The Story of Civilization
PART ONE
OUR ORIENTAL HERITAGE
THE STORY OF
CIVILIZATION
i. Our Oriental Heritage
Being a history of civilization in Egypt and the Near East
to the death of Alexander, and in India, China and ]
front the beginning to our own day; 'with an int
on the nature and foundations of civilizatj
ift Diirant
SIMON AND SCHUSTER
NEW YORK : 1942
TO ARIEL
Preface
I HAVE tried in this book to accomplish the first part of a pleasant
assignment which I rashly laid upon myself some twenty years ago: to
write a history of civilization. I wish to tell as much as I can, in as little
space as I can, of the contributions that genius and labor have made to the
cultural heritage of mankind to chronicle and contemplate, in their causes,
character and effects, the advances of invention, the varieties of economic
organization, the experiments in government, the aspirations of religion,
the mutations of morals and manners, the masterpieces of literature, the de-
velopment of science, the wisdom of philosophy, and the achievements of
art. I do not need to be told how absurd this enterprise is, nor how im-
modest is its very conception; for many years of effort have brought it to
but a fifth of its completion, and have made it clear that no one mind, and
no single lifetime, can adequately compass this task. Nevertheless I have
dreamed that despite the many errors inevitable in this undertaking, it may
be of some use to those upon whom the passion for philosophy has laid the
compulsion to try to see things whole, to pursue perspective, unity and
understanding through history in time, as well as to seek them through
science in space.
I have long felt that our usual method of writing history in separate
longitudinal sections economic history, political history, religious history,
the history of philosophy, the history of literature, the history of science,
the history of music, the history of art does injustice to the unity of
human life; that history should be written collaterally as well as lineally,
synthetically as well as analytically; and that the ideal historiography
would seek to portray in each period the total complex of a nation's culture,
institutions, adventures and ways. But the accumulation of knowledge has
divided history, like science, into a thousand isolated specialties; and pru-
dent scholars have refrained from attempting any view of the whole
whether of the material universe, or of the living past of our race. For the
probability of error increases with the scope of the undertaking, and any
man who sells his soul to synthesis will be a tragic target for a myriad
merry darts of specialist critique. "Consider," said Ptah-hotep five thousand
years ago, "how thou mayest be opposed by an expert in council. It is
vii
PREFACE
foolish to speak on every kind of work."* A history of civilization shares
the presumptuousness of every philosophical enterprise: it offers the ridicu-
lous spectacle of a fragment expounding the whole. Like philosophy, such
a venture has no rational excuse, and is at best but a brave stupidity; but let
us hope that, like philosophy, it will always lure some rash spirits into its
fatal depths.
The plan of the series is to narrate the history of civilization in five inde-
pendent parts:
L Our Oriental Heritage: a history of civilization in Egypt and the
Near East to the death of Alexander, and in India, China and Japan
to the present day; with an introduction on the nature and elements
of civilization.
II. Our Classical Heritage: a history of civilization in Greece and
Rome, and of civilization in the Near East under Greek and Roman
domination.
III. Our Medieval Heritage: Catholic and feudal Europe, Byzantine
civilization, Mohammedan and Judaic culture in Asia, Africa and
Spain, and the Italian Renaissance.
IV. Our European Heritage: the cultural history of the European states
from the Protestant Reformation to the French Revolution.
V. Our Modern Heritage: the history of European invention and states-
manship, science and philosophy, religion and morals, literature and
art from the accession of Napoleon to our own times.
Our story begins with the Orient, not merely because Asia was the scene
of the oldest civilizations known to us, but because those civilizations
formed the background and basis of that Greek and Roman culture which
Sir Henry Maine mistakenly supposed to be the whole source of the mod-
ern mind. We shall be surprised to learn how much of our most indis-
pensable inventions, our economic and political organization, our science
and our literature, our philosophy and our religion, goes back to Egypt
and the Orient, t At this historic moment when the ascendancy of Europe
is so rapidly coming to an end, when Asia is swelling with resurrected life,
and the theme of the twentieth century seems destined to be an all-embrac-
* Cf. p. 193 below.
tThe contributions of the Orient to our cultural heritage are summed up in the con-
cluding pages of this volume.
viii
PREFACE
ing conflict between the East and the West the provincialism of our tra-
ditional histories, which began with Greece and summed up Asia in a line,
has become no merely academic error, but a possibly fatal failure of per-
spective and intelligence. The future faces into the Pacific, and under-
standing must follow it there.
But how shall an Occidental mind ever understand the Orient? Eight
years of study and travel have only made this, too, more evident that not
even a lifetime of devoted scholarship would suffice to initiate a Western
student into the subtle character and secret lore of the East. Every chap-
ter, every paragraph in this book will offend or amuse some patriotic or
esoteric soul: the orthodox Jew will need all his ancient patience to forgive
the pages on Yahveh; the metaphysical Hindu will mourn this superficial
scratching of Indian philosophy; and the Chinese or Japanese sage will
smile indulgently at these brief and inadequate selections from the wealth
of Far Eastern literature and thought. Some of the errors in the chapter on
Judea have been corrected by Professor Harry Wolf son of Harvard; Dr.
Ananda Coomaraswamy of the Boston Institute of Fine Arts has given the
section on India a most painstaking revision, but must not be held responsi-
ble for the conclusions I have reached or the errors that remain; Professor
H. H. Gowen, the learned Orientalist of the University of Washington,
and Upton Close, whose knowledge of the Orient seems inexhaustible,
have checked the more flagrant mistakes in the chapters on China and
Japan; and Mr. George Sokolsky has given to the pages on contemporary
affairs in the Far East the benefit of his first-hand information. Should the
public be indulgent enough to call for a second edition of this book, the
opportunity will be taken to incorporate whatever further corrections may
be suggested by critics, specialists and readers. Meanwhile a weary author
may sympathize with Tai T'ung, who in the thirteenth century issued his
History of Chinese Writing with these words: "Were I to await perfec-
tion, my book would never be finished."*
Since these ear-minded times are not propitious for the popularity of ex-
pensive books on remote subjects of interest only to citizens of the world,
it may be that the continuation of this series will be delayed by the prosaic
necessities of economic life. But if the reception of this adventure in syn-
thesis makes possible an uninterrupted devotion to the undertaking, Part
Two should be ready by the fall of 1940, and its successors should appear,
* Carter, T. F., The Invention of Printing in China, and Its Spread Westward; New York,
1925, p. xviii,
ix
PREFACE *
by the grace of health, at five-year intervals thereafter. Nothing would
make me happier than to be freed, for this work, from every other literary
enterprise. I shall proceed as rapidly as time and circumstance will permit,
hoping that a few of my contemporaries will care to grow old with me
while learning, and that these volumes may help some of our children to
understand and enjoy the infinite riches of their inheritance.
WILL DURANT.
Great Neck, N. Y., March, 1935
A NOTE ON THE USE OF THIS BOOK
To bring the volume into smaller compass certain technical passages, which
may prove difficult for the general reader, have been printed (like this para-
graph) in reduced type. Despite much compression the book is still too long,
and the font of reduced type has not sufficed to indicate all the dull passages.
I trust that the reader will not attempt more than a chapter at a time.
Indented passages in reduced type are quotations. The raised numbers refer
to the Notes at the end of the volume; to facilitate reference to these Notes the
number of the chapter is given at the head of each page. An occasional hiatus
in the numbering of the Notes was caused by abbreviating the printed text.
The books referred to in the Notes are more fully described in the Bibliog-
raphy, whose starred titles may serve as a guide to further reading. The Gloss-
ary defines all foreign words used in the text. The Index pronounces foreign
names, and gives biographical dates.
It should be added that this book has no relation to, and makes no use of,
a biographical Story of Civilization prepared for newspaper publication in
1927-28.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am grateful to the following authors and publishers for permission to quote from
their books:
Leonard, W. E., Gilgamesh; the Viking Press.
Giles, H. A., A History of Chinese Literature; D. Applcton-Century Co.
Underwood, Edna Worthley, Tu Fu; the Mosher Press.
Waley, Arthur, 170 Chinese Poeins; Alfred A. Knopf.
Breasted, Jas. H., The Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt;
Scribner's.
Obata, Shigeyoshi, Works of Li Po; E. P. Dutton.
Tietjens, Eunice, Poetry of the Orient; Alfred A. Knopf.
Van Doren, Mark, Anthology of World Poetry; the Literary Guild.
"Upton Close," unpublished translations of Chinese poems.
X
Contents
INTRODUCTION
THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF CIVILIZATION
Chapter I: THE CONDITIONS OF CIVILIZATION i
Definition Geological conditions Geographical Economic Racial Psycho-
logical Causes of the decay of civilizations
Chapter II: THE ECONOMIC ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 5
I. FROM HUNTING TO TILLAGE, 5
Primitive improvidence Beginnings of provision Hunting and fishing Herding
The domestication of animals Agriculture Food Cooking Cannibalism
II. THE FOUNDATIONS OF INDUSTRY, I I
Fire Primitive Tools Weaving and pottery Building and transport Trade and
finance
III. ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION, 1 6
Primitive communism Causes of its disappearance Origins of private property-
Slavery Classes
Chapter III: THE POLITICAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 21
I. THE ORIGINS OF GOVERNMENT, 2 1
The unsocial instinct Primitive anarchism The clan and the tribe The king War
II. THE STATE, 23
As the organization of force The village community The psychological aides of
the state
III. LAW, 25
Law-lessness Law and custom Revenge Fines Courts Ordeal The duel Punish-
ment Primitive freedom
IV. THE FAMILY, 29
Its function in civilization The clan vs. the family Growth of parental care Un-
importance of the father Separation of the sexes Mother-right Status of woman
Her occupations Her economic achievements The patriarchate The subjection
of woman
xi
CONTENTS
Chapter IV: THE MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 36
I. MARRIAGE, 36
The meaning of marriage Its biological origins Sexual communism Trial marriage
Group marriage Individual marriage Polygamy Its eugenic value Exogamy-
Marriage by service By capture By purchase Primitive love The economic func-
tion of marriage
II. SEXUAL MORALITY, 44
Premarital relations Prostitution Chastity Virginity The double standard
Modesty The relativity of morals The biological role of modesty Adultery -
Divorce Abortion Infanticide Childhood The individual
III. SOCIAL MORALITY, 51
The nature of virtue and vice Greed-Dishonesty Violence Homicide Suicide
The socialization of the individual Altruism Hospitality Manners Tribal limits of
morality Primitive vs. modern morals Religion and morals
IV. RELIGION, 56
Primitive atheists
1. THE SOURCES OF RELIGION
Fear Wonder Dreams The soul Animism
2. THE OBJECTS OF RELIGION
The sun The stars The earth Sex Animals Totemism The transition to
human gods Ghost-worship Ancestor-worship
3. THE METHODS OF RELIGION
Magic Vegetation rites Festivals of license Myths of the resurrected god
Magic and superstition Magic and science Priests
4. THE MORAL FUNCTION OF RELIGION
Religion and government Tabu Sexual tabus The lag of religion Secularization
Chapter V: THE MENTAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 72
I. LETTERS, 72
Language Its animal background Its human origins Its development Its results-
Education Initiation Writing Poetry
II. SCIENCE, 78
Origins Mathematics Astronomy Medicine Surgery
III. ART, 82
The meaning of beauty-Of art-The primitive sense of beauty-The painting of the
body Cosmetics Tattooing Scarification Clothing Ornaments Pottery
Painting Sculpture Architecture' The dance Music Summary of the
primitive preparation for civilization
Chronological Chart: Types and Cultures of Prehistoric Man 90
xii
CONTENTS
Chapter VI: THE PREHISTORIC BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION 90
I. PALEOLITHIC CULTURE, 90
The purpose of prehistory The romances of archeology
1. MEN OF THE OLD STONE AGE
The geological background Paleolithic types
2. ARTS OF THE OLD STONE ACE
Tools-Fire Painting Sculpture
II. NEOLITHIC CULTURE, 98
The Kitchen-Middens-The Lake-Dwellers-The coming of agriculture-The taming
of animals Technology Neolithic weaving pottery building transport religion-
science Summary of the prehistoric preparation for civilization
III. THE TRANSITION TO HISTORY, IO2
1. THE COMING OF METALS
Copper Bronze Iron
2. WRITING
Its possible ceramic origins The "Mediterranean Signary" Hieroglyphics
Alphabets
3. LOST CIVILIZATIONS
Polynesia-"Atlantis"
4. CRADLES OF CIVILIZATION
Central Asia Anau Lines of Dispersion
BOOK ONE
THE NEAR EAST
Chronological Table of Near Eastern History 113
Chapter VII: SUMERIA 116
Orientation Contributions of the Near East to Western civilization
1. ELAM, 117
The culture of Susa The potter's wheel The wagon-wheel
II. THE SUMERIANS, Il8
1. THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The exhuming of Sumeria Geography Race Appearance The Sumerian Flood
The kings An ancient reformer Sargon of Akkad The Golden Age of Ur
2. ECONOMIC LIFE
The soil-Industry Trade Classes Science
3. GOVERNMENT
The kings- Ways of war The feudal barons Law
4. RELIGION AND MORALITY
The Sumerian Pantheon The food of the gods Mythology Education A Sume-
rian prayer Temple prostitutes The rights of woman-Sumerian cosmetics
xiii
CONTENTS
5. LETTERS AND ARTS
Writing Literature Temples and palaces Statuary Ceramics - Jewelry-
Summary of Sumerian civilization
III. PASSAGE TO EGYPT, 134
Sumerian influence in Mesopotamia Ancient Arabia Mesopotamia!! influence in
Egypt
Chapter VIII: EGYPT 137
I. THE GIFT OF THE NILE, 137
1. IN THE DELTA
Alexandria-The Nile-The Pyramids-The Sphinx
2. UPSTREAM
Memphis The masterpiece of Queen Hatshepsut The "Colossi of Memnon"
Luxor and Karnak The grandeur of Egyptian civilization
II. THE MASTER BUILDERS, 144
1. THE DISCOVERY OF EGYPT
Champollion and the Rosetta Stone
2. PREHISTORIC EGYPT
Paleolithic Neolithic The Badarians Predynastic Race
3. THE OLD KINGDOM
The "nomes"-The first historic individual-"Cheops"-"Chephren"-The purpose
of the Pyramids Art of the tombs Mummification
4. THE MIDDLE KINGDOM
The Feudal Age The Twelfth Dynasty The Hyksos Domination
5. THE EMPIRE
The great queen Thutmose III The zenith of Egypt
HI. THE CIVILIZATION OF EGYPT, 156
1. AGRICULTURE
2. INDUSTRY
Miners Manufactures Workers Engineers Transport Postal service
Commerce and finance Scribes
3. GOVERNMENT
The bureaucrats Law The vizier The pharaoh
4. MORALS
Royal incest The harem Marriage The position of woman The matriarchate in
Egypt Sexual morality
5. MANNERS
Character Games Appearance Cosmetics Costume Jewelry
6. LETTERS
Education Schools of government Paper and ink Stages in the development of
writing Forms of Egyptian writing
7. LITERATURE
Texts and libraries The Egyptian Sinbad The Story of Sinuhe Fiction An
amorous fragment Love poems History A literary revolution
xiv
CONTENTS
8. SCIENCE
Origins of Egyptian science Mathematics Astronomy and the calendar Anatomy
and physiology Medicine, surgery and hygiene
p. ART
Architecture Old Kingdom, Middle Kingdom, Empire and Sa'ite sculpture Bas-
relief Painting Minor arts Music The artists
10. PHILOSOPHY
The Instructions of Ptah-hotepThe Admonitions of Ipuwer The Dialogue of a
Misanthrope The Egyptian Ecclesiastes
11. RELIGION
Sky gods The sun god Plant gods Animal gods Sex gods Human gods Osiris
Isis and Horus Minor deities The priests Immortality The Book of the Dead
The "Negative Confession" Magic Corruption
IV. THE HERETIC KING, 205
The character of Ikhnaton The new religion A hymn to the sun Monotheism The
new dogma The new art Reaction Nofretete Break-up of the Empire Death of
Ikhnaton
V. DECLINE AND FALL, 2 1 3
Tutenkhamon The labors of Rameses H The wealth of the clergy The poverty of
the people The conquest of Egypt Summary of Egyptian contributions to civili-
zation
Chapter IX: BABYLONIA 218
I. FROM HAMMURABI TO NEBUCHADRF77AR, 2l8
Babylonian contributions to modern civilisation The Land between the Rivers-
Hammurabi His capital The Kassite Domination The Amarna letters The As-
syrian Conquest Nebuchadrezzar Babylon in the days of its glory
II. THE TOILERS, 226
Hunting Tillage Food Industry Transport The perils of commerce
Money-lenders Slaves
III. THE LAW, 230
The Code of Hammurabi The powers of the king Trial by ordeal Lex Talioms
Forms of punishment Codes of wages and prices State restoration of stolen goods
IV. THE GODS OF BABYLON, 232
Religion and the state The functions and powers of the clergy The lesser gods
Marduk Ishtar The Babylonian stories of the Creation and the Flood The love of
Ishtar and Tammuz The descent of Ishtar into Hell The death and resurrection of
Tammuz Ritual and prayer Penitential psalms Sin Magic Superstition
V. THE MORALS OF BABYLON, 244
Religion divorced from morals Sacred prostitution Free love Marriage Adultery
Divorce The position of woman The relaxation of morals
VI. LETTERS AND LITERATURE, 248
Cuneiform Its decipherment Language Literature The epic of Gilgamcsh
XV
CONTENTS
VII. ARTISTS, 254
The lesser arts Music Painting Sculpture Bas-relief Architecture
VHI. BABYLONIAN SCIENCE, 256
Mathematics Astronomy The calendarGeographyMedicine
IX. PHILOSOPHERS, 259
Religion and Philosophy The Babylonian Job The Babylonian Koheleth An anti-
clerical
X. EPITAPH, 263
Chapter X: ASSYRIA 265
I. CHRONICLES, 265
Beginnings Cities Race The conquerors Sennacherib and Esarhaddon
"Sardanapalus"
II. ASSYRIAN GOVERNMENT, 270
Imperialism Assyrian war The conscript gods Law Delicacies of penology Ad-
ministration The violence of Oriental monarchies
III. ASSYRIAN LIFE, 274
Industry and trade Marriage and morals Religion and science Letters and libraries
The Assyrian ideal of a gentleman
IV. ASSYRIAN ART, 278
Minor arts Bas-relief Statuary Building A page from "Sardanapalus"
V. ASSYRIA PASSES, 282
The last days of a king Sources of Assyrian decay The fall of Nineveh
Chapter XI: A MOTLEY OF NATIONS 285
I. THE INDO-EUROPEAN PEOPLES, 285
The ethnic scene- MitanniansHittites Armenians Scythians Phrygians The Di-
vine Mother Lydians Croesus Coinage Croesus, Solon and Cyrus
II. THE SEMITIC PEOPLES, 2pO
The antiquity of the Arabs Phoenicians Their world trade Their circumnavigation
of Africa Colonies Tyre and Sidon Deities The dissemination of the alphabet
Syria-Astarte The death and resurrection of Adoni The sacrifice of children
Chapter XII: JUDEA 299
I. THE PROMISED LAND, 299
Palestine - Climate - Prehistory - Abraham's people - The Jews in Egypt - The
Exodus The conquest of Canaan
II. SOLOMON IN ALL HIS GLORY, 302
Race Appearance Language Organization Judges and kings Saul David
Solomon His wealth The Temple Rise of the social problem in Israel
III. THE GOD OF HOSTS, 308
Polytheism Yahveh Henotheism Character of the Hebrew religion The idea of
sin Sacrifice Circumcision The priesthood Strange gods
xvi
CONTENTS
IV. THE FIRST RADICALS, 314
The class war Origin of the Prophets Amos at Jerusalem Isaiah His attacks upon
the rich His doctrine of a Messiah The influence of the Prophets
V. THE DEATH AND RESURRECTION OF JERUSALEM, 320
The birth of the Bible The destruction of Jerusalem The Babylonian Captivity-
Jeremiah Ezekiel The Second Isaiah The liberation of the Jews The Second
Temple
VI. THE PEOPLE OF THE BOOK, 328
The "Book of the Law" The composition of the Pentateuch The myths of Genesis
The Mosaic Code The Ten Commandments The idea of God The sabbath
The Jewish family Estimate of the Mosaic legislation
VII. THE LITERATURE AND PHILOSOPHY OF THE BIBLE, 339
History Fiction Poetry The Psalms The Song of Songs Proverbs Job
The idea of immortality The pessimism of Ecclesiastes The advent of Alexander
Chapter XIII: PERSIA 350
I. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE MEDES, 350
Their origins Rulers The blood treaty of Sardis Degeneration
II. THE GREAT KINGS, 352
The romantic Cyrus His enlightened policies Cambyses Darius the Great The
invasion of Greece
III. PERSIAN LIFK AND INDUSTRY, 355
The empire The people The language The peasants The in.perial highways-
Trade and finance
IV. AN EXPERIMENT IN GOVERNMENT, 359
The king The nobles The army Law A savage punishment The capitals The
satrapies An achievement in administration
V. ZARATHUSTRA, 364
The coming of the Prophet Persian religion before Zarathustra The Bible of Persia
Ahura-Mazda The good and the evil spirits Their struggle for the possession of
the world
VI. ZOROASTRIAN ETHICS, 368
Man as a battlefield The Undying Fire Hell, Purgatory and Paradise The cult of
Mithra The Magi The Parsccs
VII. PERSIAN MANNERS AND MORALS, 373
Violence and honor The code of cleanliness Sins of the flesh Virgins and bache-
lorsMarriageWomenChildrenPersian ideas of education
VIII. SCIENCE AND ART, 376
Medicine Minor arts The tombs of Cyrus and Darius The palaces of Persepolis-
The Frieze of the Archers Estimate of Persian art
IX. DECADENCE, 381
How a nation may die Xerxes A paragraph of murders Artaxerxes II Cyrus the
Younger Darius the Little Causes of decay: political, military, moral Alexander
conquers Persia, and advances upon India
xvii
CONTENTS
BOOK TWO
INDIA AND HER NEIGHBORS
Chronological Table of Indian History 389
Chapter XIV: THE FOUNDATIONS OF INDIA 391
I. SCENE OF THE DRAMA, 391
The rediscovery of India A glance at the map Climatic influences
II. THE OLDEST CIVILIZATION?, 394
Prehistoric India Mohenjo-daro-Its antiquity
III. THE INDO-ARYANS, 396
The natives The invaders The village community Caste Warriors Priests Mer-
chants Workers Outcastes
IV. INDO-ARYAN SOCIETY, 399
Herders Tillers of the soil Craftsmen Traders Coinage and credit Morals Mar-
riage Woman
V. THE RELIGION OF THE VEDAS, 402
Pre-Vedic religion Vedic gods Moral gods The Vedic story of Creation Im-
mortality The horse sacrifice
VI. THE VEDAS AS LITERATURE, 405
Sanskrit and English Writing The four Vedas The Rig-weda A Hymn of
Creation
VII. THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE UPAN1SHADS, 410
The authors Their theme Intellect vs. intuition Atman Brahman Their identity
A description of God Salvation Influence of the UpanishadsTLmcrson on Brahma
Chapter XV: BUDDHA 416
I. THE HERETICS, 416
Sceptics Nihilists Sophists Atheists Materialists Religions without a god
II. MAHAVIRA AND THE JAINS, 419
The Great Hero The Jain creed Atheistic polytheism Asceticism Salvation by
suicide Later history of the Jains
III. THE LEGEND OF BUDDHA, 422
The background of Buddhism The miraculous birth Youth The sorrows of life-
FlightAscetic years Enlightenment A vision of Nirvana
IV. THE TEACHING OF BUDDHA, 428
Portrait of the Master His methods The Four Noble Truths The Eightfold Way
The Five Moral Rules Buddha and Christ Buddha's agnosticism and anti-clerical-
ism His Atheism His soul-less psychology The meaning of Nirvana
V. THE LAST DAYS OF BUDDHA, 436
His miracles He visits his father's house The Buddhist monks Death
xviii
CONTENTS
Chapter XVI: FROM ALEXANDER TO AURANGZEB 440
I. CHANDRAGUPTA, 440
Alexander in India Chandragupta the liberator The people The university of
Taxila The royal palace A day in the life of a king An older Alachiavelli Admin-
istration Law Public health Transport and roads Municipal government
II. THE PHILOSOPHER-KING, 446
Ashoka The Edict of Tolerance Ashoka's missionaries His failure His success
III. THE GOLDEN AGE OF INDIA, 450
An epoch of invasions The Kushan kings The Gupta Empire The travels of Fa-
Hien The revival of letters The Huns in India Harsha the generous The travels
of Yuan Chwang
IV. ANNALS OF RAJPUTANA, 454
The Samurai of India The age of chivalry The fall of Chitor
V. THE ZENITH OF THE SOUTH, 456
The kingdoms of the Deccan Vijayanagar Krishna Raya A medieval metropolis-
Laws Arts Religion Tragedy
VI. THE MOSLEM CONQUEST, 459
The weakening of India Mahmud of Ghazni The Sultanate of Delhi Its cultural
asides Its brutal policy The lesson of Indian history
VII. AKBAR THE GREAT, 463
Tamerlane Babur Humayun Akbar His government His character His patron-
age of the arts His passion for philosophy His friendship for Hinduism and Chris-
tianityHis new religion The last days of Akbar
VIII. THE DECLINE OF THE MOGULS, 472
The children of great men Jehangir Shah Jehan His magnificence His fall
Aurangzcb His fanaticism His death The coming of the British
Chapter XVII: THE LIFE OF THE PEOPLE 477
I. THE MAKERS OF WEALTH, 477
The jungle background Agriculture Mining Handicrafts Commerce
Money Taxes Famines Poverty and wealth
II. THE ORGANIZATION OF SOCIETY, 482
The monarchy Law The Code of "Manu" Development of the caste system Rise
of the Brahmans Their privileges and powers Their obligations In defense of caste
III. MORALS AND MARRIAGE, 488
Dharma Children Child marriage The art of love Prostitution Romantic
love Marriage The family Woman Her intellectual life Her rights
Purdah - Suttee-The Widow
IV. MANNERS, CUSTOMS AND CHARACTER, 496
Sexual modesty Hygiene Dress Appearance The gentle art among the Hindus-
Faults and virtues Games Festivals Death
xix
CONTENTS
Chapter XVIII: THE PARADISE OF THE GODS 503
I. THE LATER HISTORY OF BUDDHISM, 503
The Zenith of BuddhismThe Two Vehicles Mahay ana Buddhism, Stoicism and
Christianity The decay of Buddhism Its migrations: Ceylon, Burma, Turkestan,
Tibet, Cambodia, China, Japan
II. THE NEW DIVINITIES, 507
Hinduism Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva Krishna Kali Animal gods The sacred cow-
Polytheism and monotheism
III. BELIEFS, 5 1 1
The Puranas'Thc reincarnations of the universe The migrations of the soul Karma
Its philosophical aspects Life as evil Release
IV. CURIOSITIES OF RELIGION, 517
Superstitions Astrology Phallic worship Ritual Sacrifice Purification
The sacred waters
V. SAINTS AND SCEPTICS, 522
Methods of sanctity Heretics Toleration General view of Hindu religion
Chapter XIX: THE LIFE OF THE MIND 526
I. HINDU SCIENCE, 526
Its religious origins Astronomers Mathematicians The "Arabic" numerals The
decimal system Algebra Geometry Physics Chemistry Physiology Vedic
medicine Physicians Surgeons Anesthetics Vaccination Hypnotism
II. THE SIX SYSTEMS OF BRAHMANICAL PHILOSOPHY, 533
The antiquity of Indian philosophy Its prominent role Its scholars Forms Con-
ception of orthodoxy The assumptions of Hindu philosophy
1. THE Nyaya SYSTEM
2. THE Vaisheshika SYSTEM
3. THE Sankbya SYSTEM
Its high repute Metaphysics Evolution Atheism Idealism Spirit Body, mind
and soul The goal of philosophy Influence of the Sankbya
4. THE Yoga SYSTEM
The Holy Men The antiquity of Yoga Its meaning The eight stages of discipline
The aim of YogaThe miracles of the Yogi The sincerity of Yoga
5. THE Purva Mimansa
6. THE Vedanta SYSTEM
Origin Shankara Logic Epistemology Maya Psychology Theology
God Ethics Difficulties of the system Death of Shankara
m. THE CONCLUSIONS OF HINDU PHILOSOPHY, 552
Decadence Summary Criticism Influence
XX
CONTENTS
Chapter XX: THE LITERATURE OF INDIA 555
I. THE LANGUAGES OF INDIA, 555
Sanskrit The vernaculars Grammar
II. EDUCATION, 556
Schools Methods Universities Moslem education An emperor on education
III. THE EPICS, 561
The MahabharataIts story Its form The Bhagavad-Gita'The metaphysics of war
The price of freedom The RamayanaA. forest idyl The rape of Sita The Hindu
epics and the Greek
IV. DRAMA, 571
Origins The Clay Cart-Characteristics of Hindu drama Kalidasa The story of
Shakuntala Estimate of Indian drama
V. PROSE AND POETRY, 577
Their unity in India Fables History Tales Minor poets Rise of the vernacular
literature Chandi Das Tulsi Das Poets of the south Kabir
Chapter XXI: INDIAN ART 584
I. THE MINOR ARTS, 584
The great age of Indian art Its uniqueness Its association with industry Pottery-
Metal Wood-Ivory Jewelry-Textiles
II. MUSIC, 586
A concert in India Music and the dance Musicians Scale and forms Themes-
Music and philosophy
III. PAINTING, 589
Prehistoric The frescoes of A janta Rajput miniatures The Mogul school The
painters The theorists
iv. SCULPTURE, 593
Primitive Buddhist-Gandhara Gupta "Colonial" Estimate
V. ARCHITECTURE, 596
1. HINDU ARCHITECTURE
Before Ashoka Ashokan Buddhist Jain The masterpieces of the north Their
destruction The southern style Monolithic temples Structural temples
2. "COLONIAL" ARCHITECTURE
Ceylon Java Cambodia The Khmers Their religion Angkor Fall of
the Khmers Siam Burma
3. MOSLEM ARCHITECTURE IN INDIA
The Afghan style-The Mogul style-Dclhi-Agra-The Taj Mahal
4. INDIAN ARCHITECTURE AND CIVILIZATION
Decay of Indian art Hindu and Moslem architecture compared General view of
Indian civilization
xxi
CONTENTS
Chapter XXII: A CHRISTIAN EPILOGUE 613
I. THE JOLLY BUCCANEERS, 613
The arrival of the Europeans The British Conquest The Sepoy Mutiny Advantages
and disadvantages of British rule
II. LATTER-DAY SAINTS, 615
Christianity in India The Brahma-Somaj Mohammedanism Ramakrishna
Vivekananda
III. TAGORE, 6l8
Science and art A family of geniuses Youth of Rabindranath His poetry His poli-
ticsHis school
IV. EAST IS WEST, 622
Changing India Economic changes Social The decaying caste system Castes and
guilds Untouchables The emergence of woman
V. THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT, 625
The westernized students The secularization of heaven The Indian National
Congress
VI. MAHATMA GANDHI, 626
Portrait of a saint The ascetic The Christian The education of Gandhi In Africa
The Revolt of 1921 "I am the man" Prison years Young India The revolution of
the spinning-wheel The achievements of Gandhi
VII. FAREWELL TO INDIA, 633
The revivification of India The gifts of India
BOOK THREE
THE FAR EAST
A. CHINA
Chronology of Chinese Civilization 636
Chapter XXIII: THE AGE OF THE PHILOSOPHERS 639
I. THE BEGINNINGS, 639
1. ESTIMATES OF THE CHINESE
2. THE MIDDLE FLOWERY KINGDOM
Geography Race Prehistory
3. THE UNKNOWN CENTURIES
The Creadon according to China The coming of culture Wine and chopsticks
The virtuous emperors A royal atheist
4. THE FIRST CHINESE CIVILIZATION
The Feudal Age in China An able minister The struggle between custom and
law Culture and anarchy Love lyrics from the Book of Odes
5. THE PRE-CONFUCIAN PHILOSOPHERS
The Book of Changes-Tht yang and the yin-The Chinese Enlightenment-Teng
Shih, the Socrates of China
xxii
CONTENTS
6. THE OLD MASTER
Lao-tze The TaoOn intellectuals in government The foolishness of laws A
Rousseauian Utopia and a Christian ethic Portrait of a wise man The meeting of
Lao-tze and Confucius
II. CONFUCIUS, 658
1. THE SAGE IN SEARCH OF A STATE
Birth and youth Marriage and divorce Pupils and methods Appearance and
character The lady and the tiger A definition of good government Confucius
in office Wander-years The consolations of old age
2. THE NINE CLASSICS
3. THE AGNOSTICISM OF CONFUCIUS
A fragment of logic The philosopher and the urchins A formula of wisdom
4. THE WAY OF THE HIGHER MAN
Another portrait of the sage Elements of character The Golden Rule
5. CONFUCIAN POLITICS
Popular sovereignty Government by example The decentralization of wealth-
Music and manners Socialism and revolution
6. THE INFLUENCE OF CONFUCIUS
The Confucian scholars Their victory over the Legalists Defects of Confucian-
ismThe contemporaneity of Confucius
III. SOCIALISTS AND ANARCHISTS, 677
1. MO TI, ALTRUIST
2. YANG CHU, EGOIST
3. MENCIUS, MENTOR OF PRINCES
A model mother A philosopher among kings Are men by nature good? Single
tax Mencius and the communists The profit-motive The right of revolution
4. HSUN-TZE, REALIST
The evil nature of man The necessity of law
5. CHUANG-TZE, IDEALIST
The Return to Nature Governmentlcss society The Way of Nature The limits
of the intellect The evolution of man The Button-Moulder The influence of
Chinese philosophy in Europe
Chapter XXIV: THE AGE OF THE POETS 694
i. CHINA'S BISMARCK, 694
The Period of Contending States The suicide of Ch'u P'ing Shih Huang-ti unifies
China-The Great Wall-The "Burning of the Books"-The failure of Shih Huang-ti
II. EXPERIMENTS IN SOCIALISM, 698
Chaos and poverty The Han Dynasty The reforms of Wu Ti The income tax
The planned economy of Wang Mang Its overthrow The Tatar invasion
III. THE GLORY OF T*ANG, 70!
The new dynasty Tai Tsung's method of reducing crime An age of prosperity
The "Brilliant Emperor"-The romance of Yang Kwei-fei-The rebellion of An
Lu-shan
xxiii
CON TENTS
IV. THE BANISHED ANGEL, 705
An anecdote of Li Po His youth, prowess and loves On the imperial barge The
gospel of the grape War The wanderings of Li Po In prison "Deathless Poetry"
V. SOME QUALITIES OF CHINESE POETRY, 7 1 I
"Free verse" "Imagism" "Every poem a picture and every picture a poem" Senti-
mentality Perfection of form
VI. TU FU, 713
Tao Ch'ien Po Chii-i Poems for malaria Tu Fu and Li Po A vision of war Pros-
perous days Destitution Death
VII. PROSE, 717
The abundance of Chinese literature Romances History Szuma Ch'ien Essays
Han Yii on the bone of Buddha
VIII. THE STAGE, 721
Its low repute in China OriginsThe play The audience The actors Music
Chapter XXV: THE AGE OF THE ARTISTS 724
I. THE SUNG RENAISSANCE, 724
1. THE SOCIALISM OF WANG AN-SH1H
The Sung Dynasty A radical premier His cure for unemployment The regula-
tion of industry Codes of wages and prices The nationalization of commerce-
State insurance against unemployment, poverty and old age Examinations for
public office The defeat of Wang An-shih
2. THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING
The growth of scholarship Paper and ink in China Steps in the invention of print-
ingThe oldest book Paper money Movable type Anthologies, dictionaries,
encyclopedias.
3. THE REBIRTH OF PHILOSOPHY
Chu Hsi Wang Yang-ming Beyond good and evil
II. BRONZES, LACQUER AND JADE, 735
The role of art in China Textiles Furniture Jewelry Fans The making of lacquer
The cutting of jade Some masterpieces in bronze Chinese sculpture
III. PAGODAS AND PALACES, 740
Chinese architecture The Porcelain Tower of Nanking The Jade Pagoda of Peking
The Temple of Confucius The Temple and Altar of Heaven The palaces of
Kublai Khan A Chinese home The interior Color and form
IV. PAINTING, 745
1. MASTERS OF CHINESE PAINTING
Ku K'ai-chhi, the "greatest painter, wit and fool" Han Yii's miniature The classic
and the romantic schools Wang Wei Wu Tao-tze Hui Tsung, the artist-em-
peror Masters of the Sung age
2. QUALITIES OF CHINESE PAINTING
The rejection of perspective Of realism Line as nobler than color Form as
rhythm Representation by suggestion Conventions and restrictions Sincerity of
Chinese art
xxiv
CONTENTS
V. PORCELAIN, 754
The ceramic art-The making of porcelain-Its early histoiy-Ce/tf Awi-Enamels-The
skill of Hao Shih-chiu-C/ow0<?-The age of K'ang-hsi-Of Ch'ien Lung
Chapter XXVI: THE PEOPLE AND THE STATE 760
I. HISTORICAL INTERLUDE, 760
1. MARCO POLO VISITS KUBLAI KHAN
The incredible travelers-Adventures of a Venetian in China-The elegance and
prosperity of Hangchow-The palaces of Peking-The Mongol Conquest- Jenghiz
Khan-Kublai Khan-His character and policy-His harem-"Marco Millions"
2. THE MING AND THE CH*ING
Fall of the Mongols - The Ming Dynasty - The Manchu invasion - The Ch'ing
Dynasty-An enlightened monarch-Ch'ien Lung rejects the Occident
II. THE PEOPLE AND THEIR LANGUAGE, 769
Population Appearance Dress Peculiarities of Chinese speech Of Chinese writing
III. THE PRACTICAL LIFE, 774
1. IN THE FIELDS
The poverty of the peasant Methods of husbandry Crops Tea Food The
stoicism of the village
2. IN THE SHOPS
Handicrafts Silk Factories Guilds Men of burden Roads and canals -
Merchants Credit and coinage Currency experiments Printing-press inflation
3. INVENTION AND SCIENCE
Gunpowder, fireworks and war The compass Poverty of industrial invention-
Geography Mathematics Physics Feng shui Astronomy Medicine Hygiene
IV. RELIGION WITHOUT A CHURCH, 783
Superstition and scepticism Animism The worship of Heaven Ancestor-worship
Confucianism Taoism The elixir of immortality Buddhism Religious toleration
and eclecticism Mohammedanism Christianity Causes of its failure in China
V. THE RULE OF MORALS, 788
The high place of morals in Chinese society The family Children Chastity Prosti-
tution Premarital relations Marriage and love Monogamy and polygamy Concu-
binage Divorce A Chinese empress The patriarchal male The subjection of
woman The Chinese character
VI. A GOVERNMENT PRAISED BY VOLTAIRE, 795
The submergence of the individual Self-government The village and the province-
The laxity of the law The severity of punishment The Emperor The Censor Ad-
ministrative boards Education for public office Nomination by education The ex-
amination system Its defects Its virtues
XXV
CONTENTS
Chapter XXVII: REVOLUTION AND RENEWAL 803
I. THE WHITE PERIL, 803
The conflict of Asia and Europe-The Portuguese-The Spanish-The Dutch-The
English-The opium trade-The Opium Wars-The Tai-p'ing Rebellion-The War
with Japan The attempt to dismember China The "Open Door" The Empress
Dowager-The reforms of Kuang Hsu-His removal from power-The "Boxers"-
The Indemnity
II. THE DEATH OF A CIVILIZATION, 808
The Indemnity students Their Westernization Their disintegrative effect in China
The role of the missionary Sun Yat-sen, the Christian His youthful adventures
His meeting with Li Hung-chang His plans for a revolution Their success Yuan
Shi-k'ai The death of Sun Yat-sen Chaos and pillage Communism "The north
pacified" Chiang Kai-shek Japan in Manchuria-At Shanghai
III. BEGINNINGS OF A NEW ORDER, 814
Change in the village In the town The factories Commerce Labor unions Wages
The new government Nationalism vs. Westernization The dethronement of Con-
fuciusThe reaction against religion The new morality Marriage in transition-
Birth control Co-education The "New Tide" in literature and philosophy The
new language of literature Hu Shih Elements of destruction Elements of renewal
B. JAPAN
Chronology of Japanese Civilization 826
Chapter XXVIII: THE MAKERS OF JAPAN 829
I. THE CHILDREN OF THE GODS, 829
How Japan was created The role of earthquakes
II. PRIMITIVE JAPAN, 83!
Racial components Early civilization Religion Shinto Buddhism The beginnings
of art-The "Great Reform"
III. THE IMPERIAL AGE, 834
The emperors The aristocracy The influence of China The Golden Age of
Kyoto Decadence
IV. THE DICTATORS, 836
The shoguns The Kamakura Bakufu The Ho jo Regency Kublai Khan's inva-
sionThe Ashikaga Shogunate The three buccaneers
V. GREAT MONKEY-FACE, 838
The rise of Hideyoshi The attack upon Korea The conflict with Christianity
VI. THE GREAT SHOGUN, 841
The accession of lyeyasu His philosophy lyeyasu and Christianity Death of
lyeyasu The Tokugawa Shogunate
xxvi
CONTENTS
Chapter XXIX: THE POLITICAL AND MORAL FOUNDATIONS 845
I. THE SAMURAI, 845
The powerless emperorThe powers of the shogun The sword of the Samurai
The code of the Samurai-Hara-kiri-The Forty-seven Ronin-A commuted sentence
II. THE LAW, 850
The first code Group responsibility Punishments
III. THE TOILERS, 851
Castes An experiment in the nationalization of land State fixing of wages A fam-
ineHandicraftsArtisans and guilds
IV. THE PEOPLE, 854
Stature Cosmetics Costume Diet Etiquette Saki The tea ceremony The flower
ceremony Love of nature Gardens Homes
V. THE FAMILY, 860
The paternal autocrat The status of woman Children Sexual morality The
Geisha Love
VI. THE SAINTS, 863
Religion in Japan The transformation of Buddhism The priests Sceptics
VII. THE THINKERS, 866
Confucius reaches Japan A critic of religion The religion of scholarship Kaibara
Ekken On education On pleasure The rival schools A Japanese Spinoza Ito
Jinsai Ito Togai Ogyu Sorai The war of the scholars Mabuchi Moto-ori
Chapter XXX: THE MIND AND ART OF OLD JAPAN 876
I. LANGUAGE AND EDUCATION, 876
The language Writing Education
II. POETRY, 878
The ManyoshuThG Kokinshu Characteristics of Japanese poetry Examples The
game of poetry The hokka-gzmblers
ill. PROSE, 88 1
1. FICTION
Lady Muraski The Tale of GenjiIts excellence Later Japanese fiction A
humorist
2. HISTORY
The historians Arai Hakuseki
3. THE ESSAY
The Lady Sei Shonagon Kamo no-Chomei
IV. THE DRAMA, 889
The No plays Their character The popular stage The Japanese Shakespeare-
Summary judgment
V. THE ART OF LITTLE THINGS, 891
Creative imitation Music and the dance 7wr0 and netsukeHidzri Jingaro Lacquer
xxvii
CONTENTS
VI. ARCHITECTURE, 894
Temples PalacesThe shrine of lyeyasu Homes
VII. METALS AND STATUES, 896
Swords-Mirrors-The Trinity of Horiuji-Colossi-Religion and sculpture
VIII. POTTERY, 899
The Chinese stimulus-The potters of Hizen-Pottery and tea-How Goto Saijiro
brought the art of porcelain from Hizen to Kaga The nineteenth century
IX. PAINTING, 901
Difficulties of the subject Methods and materials Forms and ideals Korean origins
and Buddhist inspiration-The Tosa School-The return to China-Sesshiu-Thc
Kano School Koyetsu and Korin The Realistic School
X. PRINTS, 907
The Ukiyoye School Its founders Its masters Hokusai Hiroshige
XL JAPANESE ART AND CIVILIZATION, 910
A retrospect Contrasts An estimate The doom of the old Japan
Chapter XXXI: THE NEW JAPAN 914
I. THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION, 914
The decay of the Shogunate America knocks at the door The Restoration The
Westernization of Japan Political reconstruction The new constitution Law
The army The war with Russia Its political results
II. THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION, 919
Industrialization Factories Wages Strikes Poverty The Japanese point of view
HI. THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION, 922
Changes in dress In manners The Japanese character Morals and marriage in
transition Religion Science Japanese medicine Art and taste Language and edu-
cationNaturalistic fiction New forms of poetry
IV. THE NEW EMPIRE, 927
The precarious bases of the new civilization Causes of Japanese imperialism
The Twenty-one Demands The Washington Conference The Immigration Act
of 1924 The invasion of Manchuria The new kingdom Japan and Russia Japan
and Europe Must America fight Japan?
Envoi: Our Oriental Heritage 934
Glossary of Foreign Terms 939
Bibliography of Books Referred to in the Text 945
Notes 956
Pronouncing and Biographical Index 1001
xxviii
List of Illustrations
(Illustration Section follows page xxxii)
Cover Design: The god Shamash transmits a code of laws to Hammurabi
From a cylinder in The Louvre
FIG. i. Granite statue of Rameses II
Turin Museum, Italy
FIG. 2. Bison painted in paleolithic cave at Altamira, Spain
Photo by American Museum of Natural History
FIG. 3. Hypothetical reconstruction of a neolithic lake dwelling
American Museum of Natural History
FIG. 4. Development of the alphabet
FIG. 5. Stele of Naram-sin
Louvre; photo by Archives Photographiques d'Art et d'Histoire
FIG. 6. The "little" Gudea
Louvre; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 7. Temple of Der-el-Bahri
Photo by Lindsley F. Hall
FIG. 8. Colonnade and court of the temple at Luxor
Photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 9. Hypothetical reconstruction of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak
From a model in the Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 10. Colonnade of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak
Underwood & Underwood
> FIG. ii. The Rosetta Stone
British Museum
FIG. 12. Diorite head of the Pharaoh Khafre
Cairo Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 13. The seated Scribe
Louvre; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 14. Wooden figure of the "Sheik-el-Beled"
Cairo Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 15. Sandstone head from the workshop of the sculptor Thutmose at
Amarna
State Museum, Berlin; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 1 6. Head of a king, probably Senusret III.
Metropolitan Museum or Art
FIG. 17. The royal falcon and serpent. Limestone relief from First Dynasty
Louvre; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
* FIG. 1 8. Head of Thutmose III
Cairo Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
XFiG. 19. Rameses II presenting an offering
Cairo Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 20. Bronze figure or the Lady Tekoschet
Athens Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of An
xxix
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG. 21. Seated figure of Montumihait
State Museum, Berlin
FIG. 22. Colossi of Rameses II, with life-size figures of Queen Nofretete at
his feet, at the cave temple of Abu Simbel
Ewing Galloway, N. Y.
FIG. 23. The dancing girl. Design on an ostracon
Turin Museum, Italy
FIG. 24. Cat watching his prey. A wall-painting in the grave of Khnumho-
tep at Beni-Hasan
Copy by Howard Carter; courtesy of Egypt Exploration Society
x FIG. 25. Chair of Tutenkhamon
Cairo Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 26. Painted limestone head of Ikhnaton's Queen Nofretete
Metropolitan Museum of Art facsimile of original in State Museum, Berlin
FIG. 27. The god Shamash transmits a code of laws to Hammurabi
Louvre; photo copyright by W. A. Mansell & Co., London
FIG. 28. The "Lion of Babylon." Painted tile-relief
State Museum, Berlin; Courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 29. Head of Esarhaddon
State Museum, Berlin
FIG. 30. The Prism of Sennacherib
Iraq Museum; courtesy of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago
FIG. 31. The Dying Lioness of Nineveh
British Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 32. The Lion Hunt; relief on alabaster, from Nineveh
British Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 33. Assyrian relief of Marduk fighting Tiamat, from Kalakh
British Museum; photo copyright by W. A. Mansell, London
FIG. 34. Winged Bull from the palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Kalakh
Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 35. A street in Jerusalem
FIG. 36. Hypothetical restoration of Solomon's Temple
Underwood & Underwood
FIG. 37. The ruins of Persepolis
Courtesy of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago
FIG. 38. "Frieze of the Archers." Painted tile-relief from Susa
Louvre; photo by Archives Photographiques d'Art et d'Histoire
FIG. 39. Burning Ghat at Calcutta
Bronson de Cou, from Ewing Galloway, N. Y.
; FIG. 40. "Holy Men" at Benares
j FIG. 41. A fresco at Ajanta
FIG. 42. Mogul painting of Durbar of Akbar at Akbarabad. Ca. 1620
Boston Museum of Fine Arts
FIG. 43. Torso of a youth, from Sanchi
Victoria and Albert Museum, London
FIG. 44. Seated statue of Brahma, loth century
Metropolitan Museum of Art
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG. 45. The Buddha of Sarnath, 5th century
Photo by A. K. Coomaraswamy
\ FIG. 46. The Naga-King. Fagade relief on Ajanta Cave-temple XIX
Courtesy of A. K. Coomaraswamy
FIG. 47. The Dancing Shiva. South India, i7th century
Minneapolis Institute of Arts
> FIG. 48. The Three-faced Shiva, or Trimurti, Elephanta
Underwood & Underwood
FIG. 49. The Buddha of Anuradhapura, Ceylon
Ewing Galloway, N. Y.
FIG. 50. Lion capital of Ashoka column
Sarnath Museum, Benares; copyright Archaeological Survey of India
FIG. 51. Sanchi Tope, north gate
Underwood & Underwood
FIG. 52. Fagade of the Gautami-Putra Monastery at Nasik
India Office, London
< N FIG. 53. Chaitya hall interior, Cave XXVI, Ajanta.,
FIG. 54. Interior of dome of the Tejahpala Temple at Mt. Abu
Johnston & Hoffman, Calcutta
FIG. 55. Temple of Vimala Sah at Mt. Abu
Underwood & Underwood
FIG. 56. Cave XIX, Ajanta
Indian State Railways
> FIG. 57. Elephanta Caves, near Bombay
By Cowling, from Ewing Galloway, N. Y.
X FIG. 58. The rock-cut Temple of Kailasha
Indian State Railways
> FIG. 59. Guardian deities, Temple of Elura
Indian State Railways
FIG. 60. Fagade, Angkor Wat, Indo-China
Publishers' Photo Service
; FIG. 61. Northeast end of Angkor Wat, Indo-China
Publishers' Photo Service
FIG. 62. Rabindranath Tagore
Underwood & Underwood
FIG. 63. Ananda Palace at Pagan, Burma
Underwood & Underwood
> FIG. 64. The Taj Mahal, Agra
Ewing Galloway, N. Y.
FIG. 65. Imperial jewel casket of blue lacquer
Underwood & Underwood
FIG. 66. The lacquered screen of K'ang-hsi
Victoria and Albert Museum, London
FIG. 67. A bronze Kuan-yin of the Sui period
Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 68. Summer Palace, Peiping
FIG. 69. Temple of Heaven, Peiping
Publishers' Photo Service
xxxi
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG. 70. Portraits of Thirteen Emperors. Attributed to Yen Li-pen, 7th
century
Boston Museum of Fine Arts
FIG. 71. The Silk-beaters. By the Emperor Hui Tsung (1101-26)
Boston Museum of Fine Arts
FIG. 72. Landscape with Bridge and Willows. Ma Yuan, i2th century
Boston Museum of Fine Arts
FIG. 73. A hawthorn vase from the K'ang-hsi period
Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 74. Geisha girls
Ewing Galloway, N. Y.
ftc. 75. Kiyomizu Temple, Kyoto, once a favorite resort of Japanese
suicides
Underwood & Underwood
FIG. 76. Yo-mei-mon Gate, Nikko
FIG. 77. The Monkeys of Nikko. "Hear no evil, speak no evil, see no evil"
Ewing Galloway, N. Y.
FIG. 78. Image of Amida-Buddha at Horiuji
Photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 79. The bronze halo and background of the Amida at Horiuji.
y Photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 80. The Vairochana Buddha of Japan. Carved and lacquered wood.
Ca. 950 A.D.
Metropolitan Museum of Art
FiG. 8 1. The Daibutsu, or Great Buddha, at Kamakura
FIG. 82. Monkeys and Birds. By Sesshiu, i5th century
FIG. 83. A wave screen by Korin
Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 84. The Falls of Yoro. By Hokusai
Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 85. Foxes. By Hiroshige
Metropolitan Museum of Art
Maps or Egypt, the ancient Near East, India, and the Far East
will be found on the inside covers
Illustration Section
1
FIG. i Granite statue of Rameses II
FIG. 2 Bison painted in paleolithic cave at Altamira, Spam
Photo by American Museum of Natural History
(See page 96)
FIG. 3- Hypothetical reconstruction of a neolithic lake dwelling
American Museum of Natural History
( See page 98)
Buei u BWTIMI AKU.UMIM MOAWTE IONIAN
BWUSM MIWOW.YPH STOHB OMSK
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I
FIG. i-Temple of Der-el-Bahri
Photo by Lindslcy F. Hall
(Sec page 154)
FIG. 8- Colonnade and court of the temple at Luxor
Photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
(See page 142)
FIG. 9 Hypothetical reconstruction of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak
From a model in the Metropolitan Museum of An
FIG. 10 Colonnade of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak
Underwood & Underwood
(See page 143)
FIG. 1 1 The Rosetta Stone
British Museum
(See page 145)
FIG. iz-Diorite head of the Pharaoh Khafre
Cairo Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
(Seepages 148,186)
FIG. ii-The seated Scribe
Louvre; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
(See pages 161,
FIG. 14
Wooden figure
of the
"Sheik-el-Beled"
Cairo Museum;
photo by Metro-
politan Museum
of Art
(See pages 168, 186)
FIG. i $ Sandstone bead \rotn the
'workshop of the sculptor
Thutmose at Amaru a
State Museum, Berlin; photo by
Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 1 6 Head of a king, probably
Scmisret III
Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. ijThe royal falcon and
serpent. Limestone relief from
First Dynasty FIG. iBHead of Thutmose 111
Louvre; photo by Metropolitan Museum Cairo Museum; photo by Metropolitan
of Art Museum of Art
(See pages 184-190)
f
iiTan Tir
jpP^WWfe' 1 '
.X '"
***r
FIG. lyRameses II presenting an offering
Cairo Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 20 Bronze figure of the
Lady Tekoschet
Athens Museum; photo by Metro-
politan Museum of An
FIG. 21 Seated figure of
M.ontwmhait
State Museum, Berlin
FIG. 23 The dancing girl. Design on an ostracon
Turin Museum, Italy
(See page lyi )
FIG. 24 Cat watching his prey. A 'wall-painting in the grave of Khnumhotep
at Beni-Hasan
Copy by Howard Carter; courtesy of Egypt Exploration Society
(See page 190)
FIG. 25 -Chair of Tutenkhamon
Cairo Museum; photo by Metropolitan Museum of Art
(Seepage 19?)
FIG. it-Painted limestone head of Ikhnaton's Queen Nofretete
Metropolitan Museum of Art facsimile of original in State Museum, Berlin
(See page 188)
FIG. 2j-The god
Shamash transmits
a code of laws to
Louvre; photo copy-
right W. A. Manscll
& Co., London
(See page 219)
!
C
FIG. 29 Head of Esarhaddon
State Museum, Berlin
(See page 28 i)
FIG. $o-The Prism of Sennacherib
Iraq Museum; courtesy of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago
(See Chapter X)
FIG. 32 The Lion Hunt; relief on alabaster, from Nineveh
British Museum; Metropolitan Museum of Art
( See page 279)
FIG. M-Assyrian relief of Marduk fighting Tiamat, from Kalakh
British Museum; photo copyright by W. A. Mansell, London
(See page 278)
FIG. ^-Winged Bull from the palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Kalakh
Metropolitan Museum of Art
(See page 279)
FIG. 35^4 street in Jerusalem
FIG. ^Hypothetical restoration of Solomon's Temple
Underwood & Underwood
(See page
11
I
FIG. 39- Burning Ghat at Calcutta
Bronson de Cou, from Ewing Galloway, N. Y.
(See page
/fcdfe. **.
4hv*fr.
FIG. 40 "Holy Men' 9 at Benares
FIG. 41 /4 fresco at Ajanta
(See pages $89-90)
FIG. 42- Mogul painting of Durbar of Akbar at Akbarabad. Co. 1620
Boston Museum of Fine Arti
(See page
FIG. 43-T07W of a youth, from Sanchi
Victoria and Albert Museum, London
( See pages
FIG. ^.Seated statue of
Brahma, loth century
Metropolitan Museum of Art
FIG. 46 The Naga-King.
Facade relief on Ajanta
Cave-temple XIX
Courtesy of
A. K. Coomarasvvamv
f S** ptf^M 5W-tf;
FIG. 45 The Buddha of
Sarnath, fth century
Photo by A. K. Coomaraswamy
FIG. 47-TA* Dancing Shiva. South India, nth century
Minneapolis Institute of Arts
(See page 594)
V*MR
1.5*.
FIG. 49.
Buddha of Anuradhapura, Ceylon
Ewing Galloway, N. Y.
(Sec page w)
FIG. soLion capital of Ashoka column
Sarnath Museum, Benares; copyright Archaeological Survey of India
( See page 596)
FIG. $\Sanchi Tope, north gate
Underwood & Underwood
(See page 597)
FIG. $2-Faeade of the Gautami-Putra Monastery at Nasik
India Office, London
(See page
FIG. $$ Chatty a hall interior, Cave XXVI, Ajanta
FIG. 54- Interior of dome of the Tejahpala Teinple at Mt. Abu
Johnston & Hoffman, Calcutta
(See page
FIG. 55- -Temple of Vimala Sah at Mt. Abu
Underwood & Underwood
(See page
FIG. $6-Cave X/X, Ajmta
Indian State Railway!
(See page 598)
,^^;.. __,_,,
M-
j gj ^
R6 ?
Q O
i
FIG. 59 Guardian deities, Temple of Elura
Indian State Railways
(See page 601)
fe'
fe
-
8
1
5
I
I
I
I
FIG. 62Rabindranath
Tagore
Underwood & Underwood
(See page 619)
FIG. 6-$Ananda Palace at
Pagan, Burma
Undcr\\<>od & Underwood
(See page 606)
FIG. 64-77* Taj Mahal, Agra
Ewing Galloway, N. Y.
(See page 609)
FIG. 65 Imperial jewel casket of blue lacquer
Underwood & Underwood
(See page 136)
^v*-. '-2~ r *-
2
io
5-8
*
v j
Ii
^
M
&
b
FIG. 67^4 bronze Kuan-yin of the Sui period
Metropolitan Museum of Art
(See page -738)
FIG. 68 Siniwjcr
Palace, Peiping
(Sec page 742)
FIG. 69- Temple
of Heaven,
Peiping
Publishers' Photo
Service
(See page 142)
FIG. ji-The
Silk-beaters.
By the Emperor
Hui Tsung
(1101-26)
Boston Museum
of Fine Arts
( See page jfo)
FIG. 72 Land-
scape with
Bridge and
Willows.
Ma Yuan,
i2th century
Boston Museum
of Fine Arts
(See page ifi)
FIG. T$A hawthorn vase from the K'ang-hsi period
Metropolitan Museum of An
(See page
*2
3*
8*
I
FIG. 7$Kiyoimzu Temple, Kyoto, once a favorite resort of Japanese suicides
Underwood & Underwood
(Sec
FIG. 76Yo-wei-mon Gate, Nikko
(See fiave ffoc)
5G-3 *.
3 o ^
* g 1 2
|5
^
FIG. 79 The bronze halo
and background of the
Amida at Horiuji
Photo by
Metropolitan Museum of Art
(See page
FIG. 78 Image of Amida-
Buddha at Horiuji
Photo by
Metropolitan Museum of Art
(See page 897)
FIG. 80 The Vairochana Buddha of Japan. Carved and lacquered wood.
Ca. 950 A.D.
Metropolitan Museum of Art
( See pages 896-8)
FIG. 8 1 The Daibutsu, or Great Buddha, at Kamakura
(See page 898)
t
I
1
INTRODUCTION
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF CIVILIZATION
"I want to know what were the steps by
which men passed from barbarism to
civilization."
VOLTAIRE. 1
CHAPTER I
The Conditions of Civilization*
Definition Geological conditions Geographical Economic
Racial Psychological Causes of the decay of civilizations
/CIVILIZATION is social order promoting cultural creation. Four
\^Jl elements constitute it: economic provision, political organization,
moral traditions, and the pursuit of knowledge and the arts. It begins
where chaos and insecurity end. For when fear is overcome, curiosity and
constructiveness are free, and man passes by natural impulse towards the
understanding and embellishment of life.
Certain factors condition civilization, and may encourage or impede it.
First, geological conditions. Civilization is an interlude between ice ages:
at any time the current of glaciation may rise again, cover with ice and
stone the works of man, and reduce life to some narrow segment of the
earth. Or the demon of earthquake, by whose leave we build our cities,
may shrug his shoulders and consume us indifferently.
Second, geographical conditions. The heat of the tropics, and the in-
numerable parasites that infest them, are hostile to civilization; lethargy
and disease, and a precocious maturity and decay, divert the energies from
those inessentials of life that make civilization, and absorb them in hunger
and reproduction; nothing is left for the play of the arts and the mind.
Rain is necessary; for water is the medium of life, more important even
than the light of the sun; the unintelligible whim of the elements may
condemn to desiccation regions that once flourished with empire and in-
dustry, like Nineveh or Babylon, or may help to swift strength and wealth
cities apparently off the main line of transport and communication, like
those of Great Britain or Puget Sound. If the soil is fertile in food or
minerals, if rivers offer an easy avenue of exchange, if the coast-line is
indented with natural harbors for a commercial fleet, if, above all, a nation
lies on the highroad of the world's trade, like Athens or Carthage, Flor-
* The reader will find, at the end of this volume, a glossary defining foreign terms, a
bibliography with guidance for further reading, a pronouncing index, and a body of
references corresponding to the superior figures in die text.
2 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. I
ence or Venice then geography, though it can never create it, smiles upon
civilization, and nourishes it.
Economic conditions are more important. A people may possess or-
dered institutions, a lofty moral code, and even a flair for the minor forms
of art, like the American Indians; and yet if it remains in the hunting stage,
if it depends for its existence upon the precarious fortunes of the chase, it
will never quite pass from barbarism to civilization. A nomad stock, like the
Bedouins of Arabia, may be exceptionally intelligent and vigorous, it may
display high qualities of character like courage, generosity and nobility;
but without that simple sine qua non of culture, a continuity of food, its
intelligence will be lavished on the perils of the hunt and the tricks of
trade, and nothing will remain for the laces and frills, the curtsies and
amenities, the arts and comforts, of civilization. The first form of culture
is agriculture. It is when man settles down to tilTltlie soil and lay up pro-
visions for the uncertain future that he finds time and reason to be civilized.
Within that little circle of security a reliable supply of water and food-
he builds his huts, his temples and his schools; he invents productive tools,
and domesticates the dog, the ass, the pig, at last himself. He learns to
work with regularity and order, maintains a longer tenure of life, and
transmits more completely than before the mental and moral heritage of
his race.
Culture suggests agriculture, but civilization suggests the city. In one
aspect civilization is the habit of civility; and civility is the refinement
which townsmen, who made the word, thought possible only in the
civitas or city.* For in the city are gathered, rightly or wrongly, the
wealth and brains produced in the countryside; in the city invention and
industry multiply comforts, luxuries and leisure; in the city traders meet,
and barter goods and ideas; in that cross-fertilization of minds at the cross-
roads of trade intelligence is sharpened and stimulated to creative power.
In the city some men are set aside from the making of material things, and
produce science and philosophy, literature and art. Civilization begins in
the peasant's hut, but it comes to flower only in the towns.
There are no racial conditions to civilization. It may appear on any
continent and in any color: at Pekin or Delhi, at Memphis or Babylon, at
Ravenna or London, in Peru or Yucatan. It is not the great race that makes
The word civilization (Latin inrifc-pertaining to the chris, citizen) is comparatively
young. Despite BoswelTs suggestion Johnson refused to admit it to his Dictionary in 1772;
he preferred to use the word civility.*
CHAP. l) THE CONDITIONS OF CIVILIZATION 3
the civilization, it is the great civilization that makes the people; circum-
stances geographical and economic create a culture, and the culture
creates a type. The Englishman does not make British civilization, it makes
him; if he carries it with him wherever he goes, and dresses for dinner
in Timbuktu, it is not that he is creating his civilization there anew, but
that he acknowledges even there its mastery over his soul. Given like ma-
terial conditions, and another race would beget like results; Japan repro-
duces in the twentieth century the history of England in the nineteenth.
Qvilization is related to race only in the sense that it is often preceded by
the slow intermarriage of different stocks, and their gradual assimilation
into a relatively homogeneous people.*
These physical and biological conditions are only prerequisites to civ-
ilization; they do not constitute or generate it. Subtle psychological
factors must enter into play. There must be political order, even if it be so
near to chaos as in Renaissance Florence or Rome; men must feel, by and
large, that they need not look for death or taxes at every turn. There must
be some unity of language to serve as a medium of mental exchange.
Through church, or family, or school, or otherwise, there must be a uni-
fying moral code, some rules of the game of life acknowledged even by
those who violate them, and giving to conduct some order and regularity,
some direction and stimulus. Perhaps there must also be some unity of basic
belief, some faith, supernatural or Utopian, that lifts morality from calcu-
lation to devotion, and gives life nobility and significance despite our
mortal brevity. And finally there must be education some technique,
however primitive, for the transmission of culture. Whether through imi-
tation, initiation or instruction, whether through father or mother, teacher
or priest, the lore and heritage of the tribe its language and knowledge,
its morals and manners, its technology and arts must be handed down to
the young, as the very instrument through which they are turned from
animals into men.
The disappearance of these conditions sometimes of even one of them
may destroy a civilization. A geological cataclysm or a profound cli-
matic change; an uncontrolled epidemic like that which wiped out half the
population of the Roman Empire under the Antonines, or the Black Death
that helped to end the Feudal Age; the exhaustion of the land, or the ruin
* Blood, as distinct from race, may affect a civilization in the sense that a nation may
be retarded or advanced by breeding from the biologically (not racially) worse or better
strains among the people.
4 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. I
of agriculture through the exploitation of the country by the town, result-
ing in a precarious dependence upon foreign food supplies; the failure of
natural resources, either of fuels or of raw materials; a change in trade
routes, leaving a nation off the main line of the world's commerce; mental
or moral decay from the strains, stimuli and contacts of urban life, from
the breakdown of traditional sources of social discipline and the inability
to replace them; the weakening of the stock by a disorderly sexual life, or
by an epicurean, pessimist, or quietist philosophy; the decay of leadership
through the infertility of the able, and the relative smallness of the fami-
lies that might bequeath most fully the cultural inheritance of the race; a
pathological concentration of wealth, leading to class wars, disruptive
revolutions, and financial exhaustion: these are some of the ways in which
a civilization may die. For civilization is not something inborn or imper-
ishable; it must be acquired anew by every generation, and any serious
interruption in its financing or its transmission may bring it to an end. Man
differs from the beast only by education, which may be defined as the
technique of transmitting civilization.
Civilizations are the generations of the racial soul. As family-rearing,
and then writing, bound the generations together, handing down the lore
of the dying to the young, so print and commerce and a thousand ways
of communication may bind the civilizations together, and preserve for
future cultures all that is of value for them in our own. Let us, before
we die, gather up our heritage, and offer it to our children.
CHAPTER II
The Economic Elements
of Civilization*
IN one important sense the "savage," too, is civilized, for he carefully
transmits to his children the heritage of the tribe that complex of
economic, political, mental and moral habits and institutions which it has
developed in its efforts to maintain and enjoy itself on the earth. It is
impossible to be scientific here; for in calling other human beings "savage"
or "barbarous" we may be expressing no objective fact, but only our fierce
fondness for ourselves, and our timid shyness in the presence of alien ways.
Doubtless we underestimate these simple peoples, who have so much to
teach us in hospitality and morals; if we list the bases and constituents of
civilization we shall find that the naked nations invented or arrived at all
but one of them, and left nothing for us to add except embellishments and
writing. Perhaps they, too, were once civilized, and desisted from it as a
nuisance. We must make sparing use of such terms as "savage" and "bar-
barous" in referring to our "contemporaneous ancestry." Preferably we
shall call "primitive" all tribes that make little or no provision for un-
productive days, and little or no use of writing. In contrast, the civilized
may be defined as literate providers.
I. FROM HUNTING TO TILLAGE
Primitive improvidence Beginnings of provision Hunting and
fishing Herding The domestication of animals Agri-
culture Food Cooking Cannibalism
"Three meals a day are a highly advanced institution. Savages gorge
themselves or fast." 1 The wilder tribes among the American Indians con-
* Despite recent high example to the contrary, 1 the word civilization will be used in
this volume to mean social organization, moral order, and cultural activity; while culture
will mean, according to the context, cither the practice of manners and the arts, or the
sum-total of a people's institutions, customs and arts. It is in the latter sense that the
word culture will be used 'in reference to primitive or prehistoric societies.
6 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. II
sidered it weak-kneed and unseemly to preserve food for the next day."
The natives of Australia are incapable of any labor whose reward is not
immediate; every Hottentot is a gentleman of leisure; and with the Bush-
men of Africa it is always "either a feast or a famine." 4 There is a mute
wisdom in this improvidence, as in many "savage" ways. The moment
man begins to take thought of the morrow he passes out of the Garden of
Eden into the vale of anxiety; the pale cast of worry settles down upon
him, greed is sharpened, property begins, and the good cheer of the
"thoughtless" native disappears. The American Negro is making this
transition today. "Of what are you thinking?" Peary asked one of his
Eskimo guides. "I do not have to think," was the answer; "I have plenty
of meat." Not to think unless we have to there is much to be said for this
as the summation of wisdom.
Nevertheless, there were difficulties in this care-lessness, and those or-
ganisms that outgrew it came to possess a serious advantage in the struggle
for survival. The dog that buried .the bone which even a canine appetite
could not manage, the squirrel that gathered nuts for a later feast, the
bees that filled the comb with honey, the ants that laid up stores for a
rainy day these were among the first creators of civilization. It was they,
or other subtle creatures like them, who taught our ancestors the art of
providing for tomorrow out of the surplus of today, or of preparing for
winter in summer's time of plenty.
With what skill those ancestors ferreted out, from land and sea, the food
that was the basis of their simple societies! They grubbed edible things
from the earth with bare hands; they imitated or used the claws and tusks
of the animals, and fashioned tools out of ivory, bone or stone; they made
nets and traps and snares of rushes or fibre, and devised innumerable
artifices for fishing and hunting their prey. The Polynesians had nets a
thousand ells long, which could be handled only by a hundred men; in such
ways economic provision grew hand in hand with political organization,
and the united quest for food helped to generate the state. The Tlingit
fisherman put upon his head a cap like the head of a seal, and hiding his
body among the rocks, made a noise like a seal; seals came toward him,
and he speared them with the clear conscience of primitive war. Many
tribes threw narcotics into the streams to stupefy the fish into cooperation
with the fishermen; the Tahitians, for example, put into the water an in-
toxicating mixture prepared from the butco nut or the hora plant; the
fish, drunk with it, floated leisurely on the surface, and were caught at the
CHAP. Il) ECONOMIC ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION J
anglers' will. Australian natives, swimming under water while breathing
through a reed, pulled ducks beneath the surface by the legs, and gently
held them there rill they were pacified. The Tarahumaras caught birds by
stringing kernels on tough fibres half buried under the ground; the birds
ate the kernels, and the Tarahumaras ate the birds."
Hunting is now to most of us a game, whose relish seems based upon
some mystic remembrance, in the blood, of ancient days when to hunter as
well as hunted it was a matter of life and death. For hunting was not
merely a quest for food, it was a war for security and mastery, a war
beside which all the wars of recorded history are but a little noise. In the
jungle man still fights for his life, for though there is hardly an animal
that will attack him unless it is desperate for food or cornered in the chase,
yet there is not always food for all, and sometimes only the fighter, or the
breeder of fighters, is allowed to eat. We see in our museums the relics
of that war of the species in the knives, clubs, spears, arrows, lassos, bolas,
lures, traps, boomerangs and slings with which primitive men won posses-
sion of the land, and prepared to transmit to an ungrateful posterity the
gift of security from every beast except man. Even today, after all
these wars of elimination, how many different populations move over the
earth! Sometimes, during a walk in the woods, one is awed by the variety
of languages spoken there, by the myriad species of insects, reptiles, carni-
vores and birds; one feels that man is an interloper on this crowded scene,
that he is the object of universal dread and endless hostility. Some day,
perhaps, these chattering quadrupeds, these ingratiating centipedes, these
insinuating bacilli, will devour man and all his works, and free the planet
from this marauding biped, these mysterious and unnatural weapons, these
careless feet!
Hunting and fishing were not stages in economic development, they
were modes of activity destined to survive into the highest forms of civil-
ized society. Once the center of life, they are still its hidden foundations;
behind our literature and philosophy, our ritual and art, stand the stout
killers of Packingtown. We do our hunting by proxy, not having the
stomach for honest killing in the fields; but our memories of the chase
linger in our joyful pursuit of anything weak or fugitive, and in the games
of our children even in the word game. In the last analysis civilization is
based upon the food supply. The cathedral and the capitol, the museum
and the concert chamber, the library and the university are the fajade;
in the rear are the shambles.
8 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. II
To live by hunting was not original; if man had confined himself to
that he would have been just another carnivore. He began to be human
when out of the uncertain hunt he developed the greater security and
continuity of the pastoral life. For this involved advantages of high import-
ance: the domestication of animals, the breeding of cattle, and the use of
milk. We do not know when or how domestication began perhaps when
the helpless young of slain beasts were spared and brought to the camp
as playthings for the children.' The animal continued to be eaten, but
not so soon; it acted as a beast of burden, but it was accepted almost demo-
cratically into the society of man; it became his comrade, and formed
with him a community of labor and residence. The miracle of reproduc-
tion was brought under control, and two captives were multiplied into a
herd. Animal milk released women from prolonged nursing, lowered
infantile mortality, and provided a new and dependable food. Population
increased, life became more stable and orderly, and the mastery of that
timid parvenu, man, became more secure on the earth.
Meanwhile woman was making the greatest economic discovery of
all the bounty of the soil. While man hunted she grubbed about the tent
or hut for whatever edible things lay ready to her hand on the ground. In
Australia it was understood that during the absence of her mate on the
chase the wife would dig for roots, pluck fruit and nuts from the trees,
and collect honey, mushrooms, seeds and natural grains/ Even today, in
certain tribes of Australia, the grains that grow spontaneously out of the
earth are harvested without any attempt to separate and sow the seed; the
Indians of the Sacramento River Valley never advanced beyond this stage."
We shall never discover when men first noted the function of the seed, and
turned collecting into sowing; such beginnings are the mysteries of his-
tory, about which we may believe and guess, but cannot know. It is
possible that when men began to collect implanted grains, seeds fell along
the way between field and camp, and suggested at last the great secret
of growth. The Juangs threw the seeds together into the ground, leaving
them to find their own way up. The natives of Borneo put the seed into
holes which they dug with a pointed stick as they walked the fields. 9 The
simplest known culture of the earth is with this stick or "digger." In Mada-
gascar fifty years ago the traveler could still see women armed with pointed
sticks, standing in a row like soldiers, and then, at a signal, digging their
sticks into the ground, turning over the soil, throwing in the seed, stamp-
ing the earth flat, and passing on to another furrow. 10 The second stage in
CHAP. Il) ECONOMIC ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 9
complexity was culture with the hoe: the digging stick was tipped with
bone, and fitted with a crosspiece to receive the pressure of the foot.
When the Conquistadores arrived in Mexico they found that the Aztecs
knew no other tool of tillage than the hoe. With the domestication of
animals and the forging of metals a heavier implement could be used; the
hoe was enlarged into a plough, and the deeper turning of the soil revealed
a fertility in the earth that changed the whole career of man. Wild plants
were domesticated, new varieties were developed, old varieties were
improved.
Finally nature taught man the art of provision, the virtue of prudence,*
the concept of time. Watching woodpeckers storing acorns in the trees,
and the bees storing honey in hives, man conceivedperhaps after millen-
niums of improvident savagerythe notion of laying up food for the future.
He found ways of preserving meat by smoking it, salting it, freezing it;
better still, he built granaries secure from rain and damp, vermin and
thieves, and gathered food into them for the leaner months of the year.
Slowly it became apparent that agriculture could provide a better and
steadier food supply than hunting. With that realization man took one of
the three steps that led from the beast to civilization speech, agriculture,
and writing.
It is not to be supposed that man passed suddenly from hunting to
tillage. Many tribes, like the American Indians, remained permanently
becalmed in the transition the men given to the chase, the women tilling
the soil. Not only was the change presumably gradual, but it was never
complete. Man merely added a new way of securing food to an old way;
and for the most part, throughout his history, he has preferred the old
food to the new. We picture early man experimenting with a thousand
products of the earth to find, at much cost to his inward comfort, which
of them could be eaten safely; mingling these more and more with the
fruits and nuts, the flesh and fish he was accustomed to, but always yearn-
ing for the booty of the chase. Primitive peoples are ravenously fond of
meat, even when they live mainly on cereals, vegetables and milk."
If they come upon the carcass of a recently dead animal the result is likely
to be a wild debauch. Very often no time is wasted on cooking; the prey
is eaten raw, as fast as good teeth can tear and devour it; soon nothing is
left but the bones. Whole tribes have been known to feast for a week on a
* Note the ultimate identity of the words provision, providence and prudence.
10 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. EL
whale thrown up on the shore." Though the Fuegians can cook, they
prefer their meat raw; when they catch a fish they kill it by biting it behind
the gills, and then consume it from head to tail without further ritual."
The uncertainty of the food supply made these nature peoples almost lit-
erally omnivorous: shellfish, sea urchins, frogs, toads, snails, mice, rats,
spiders, earthworms, scorpions, moths, centipedes, locusts, caterpillars, liz-
ards, snakes, boas, dogs, horses, roots, lice, insects, larvae, the eggs of rep-
tiles and birds there is not one of these but was somewhere a delicacy, or
. even a piece de resistance, to primitive men. u Some tribes are expert hunt-
ers of ants; others dry insects in the sun and then store them for a feast;
others pick the lice out of one another's hair, and eat them with relish;
if a great number of lice can be gathered to make a petite marmite,'\hey
are devoured with shouts of joy, as enemies of the human race. 15 The
menu of the lower hunting tribes hardly differs from that of the higher
apes. 1 "
The discovery of fire limited this indiscriminate voracity, and cooperated
with agriculture to free man from the chase. Cooking broke down the
cellulose and starch of a thousand plants indigestible in their raw state,
and man turned more and more to cereals and vegetables as his chief reli-
ance. At the same time cooking, by softening tough foods, reduced the
need of chewing, and began that decay of the teeth which is one of the
insignia of civilization.
To all the varied articles of diet that we have enumerated, man added
the greatest delicacy of all his fellowman. Cannibalism was at one
time practically universal; it has been found in nearly all primitive tribess,
and among such later peoples as the Irish, the Iberians, the Picts, and the
eleventh-century Danes." Among many tribes human flesh was a staple
of trade, and funerals were unknown. In the Upper Congo living men,
women and children were bought and sold frankly as articles of food; 1 *
on the island of New Britain human meat was sold in shops as butcher's
meat is sold among ourselves; and in some of the Solomon Islands human
victims, preferably women, were fattened for a feast like pigs. 19 The
Fuegians ranked women above dogs because, they said, "dogs taste of
otter." In Tahiti an old Polynesian chief explained his diet to Pierre Loti:
'The white man, when well roasted, tastes like a ripe banana." The Fiji-
ans, however, complained that the flesh of the whites was too salty and
tough, and that a European sailor was hardly fit to eat; a Polynesian tasted
better."
CHAP. Il) ECONOMIC ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION II
What was the origin of this practice? There is no surety that the
custom arose, as formerly supposed, out of a shortage of other food; if it
did, the taste once formed survived the shortage, and became a passionate
predilection.* Everywhere among nature peoples blood is regarded as a
delicacy never with horror; even primitive vegetarians take to it with
gusto. Human blood is constantly drunk by tribes otherwise kindly and
generous; sometimes as medicine, sometimes as a rite or covenant, often
in the belief that it will add to the drinker the vital force of the victim."
No shame was felt in preferring human flesh; primitive man seems to have
recognized no distinction in morals between eating men and eating other
animals. In Melanesia the chief who could treat his friends to a dish of
roast man soared in social esteem. "When I have slain an enemy," ex-
plained a Brazilian philosopher-chief, "it is surely better to eat him than
to let him waste. . . . The worst is not to be eaten, but to die; if I am
killed it is all the same whether my tribal enemy eats me or not. But I
could not think of any game that would taste better than he would. . . .
You whites are really too dainty.""
Doubtless the custom had certain social advantages. It anticipated Dean
Swift's plan for the utilization of superfluous children, and it gave the old
an opportunity to die usefully. There is a point of view from which funer-
als seem an unnecessary extravagance. To Montaigne it appeared more
barbarous to torture a man to death under the cover of piety, as was the
mode of his time, than to roast and eat him after he was dead. We must
respect one another's delusions.
II. THE FOUNDATIONS OF INDUSTRY
FirePrimitive ToolsWeaving and pottery Building and trans-
portTrade and finance
If man began with speech, and civilization with agriculture, industry
began with fire. Man did not invent it; probably nature produced the
marvel for him by the friction of leaves or twigs, a stroke of lightning, or
a chance union of chemicals; man merely had the saving wit to imitate
nature, and to improve upon her. He put the wonder to a thousand uses.
First, perhaps, he made it serve as a torch to conquer his fearsome enemy,
the dark; then he used it for warmth, and moved more freely from his
native tropics to less enervating zones, slowly making the planet human;
then he applied it to metals, softening them, tempering them, and com-
12 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. II
bining them into forms stronger and suppler than those in which they had
come to his hand. So beneficent and strange was it that fire always re-
mained a miracle to primitive man, fit to be worshiped as a god; he offered
it countless ceremonies of devotion, and made it the center or focus (which
is Latin for hearth) of his life and home; he carried it carefully with him
as he moved from place to place in his wanderings, and would not will-
ingly let it die. Even the Romans punished with death the careless vestal
virgin who allowed the sacred fire to be extinguished.
Meanwhile, in the midst of hunting, herding and agriculture, invention
was busy, and the primitive brain was racking itself to find mechanical
answers to the economic puzzles of life. At first man was content, appar-
ently, to accept what nature offered him the fruits of the earth as his
food, the skins and furs of the animals as his clothing, the caves in the
hillsides as his home. Then, perhaps (for most history is guessing, and the
rest is prejudice), he imitated the tools and industry of the animal: he saw
the monkey flinging rocks and fruit upon his enemies, or breaking open
nuts and oysters with a stone; he saw the beaver building a dam, the birds
making nests and bowers, the chimpanzees raising something very like a
hut. He envied the power of their claws, teeth, tusks and horns, and the
toughness of their hides; and he set to work to fashion tools and weapons
that would resemble and rival these. Man, said Franklin, is a tool-using
animal;** but this, too, like the other distinctions on which we plume our-
selves, is only a difference of degree.
Many tools lay potential in the plant world that surrounded primitive
man. From the bamboo he made shafts, knives, needles and bottles; out of
branches he made tongs, pincers and vices; from bark and fibres he wove
cord and clothing of a hundred kinds. Above all, he made himself a stick.
It was a modest invention, but its uses were so varied that man always
looked upon it as a symbol of power and authority, from the wand of the
fairies and the staff of the shepherd to the rod of Moses or Aaron, the
ivory cane of the Roman consul, the lituus of the augurs, and the mace
of the magistrate or the king. In agriculture the stick became the hoe; in
war it became the lance or javelin or spear, the sword or bayonet." Again,
man used the mineral world, and shaped stones into a museum of arms
and implements: hammers, anvils, kettles, scrapers, arrow-heads, saws,
planes, wedges, levers, axes and drills, from the animal world he made
ladles, spoons, vases, gourds, plates, cups, razors and hooks out of the
shells of the shore, and tough or dainty tools out of the horn or ivory, the
CHAP. Il) ECONOMIC ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 13
teeth and bones, the hair and hide of the beasts. Most of these fashioned
articles had handles of wood, attached to them in cunning ways, bound
with braids of fibre or cords of animal sinew, and occasionally glued
with strange mixtures of blood. The ingenuity of primitive men prob- ,
ably equaled perhaps it surpassed that of the average modern man; we
differ from them through the social accumulation of knowledge, materials
and tools, rather than through innate superiority of brains. Indeed, nature
men delight in mastering the necessities of a situation with inventive wit.
It was a favorite game among the Eskimos to go off into difficult and de-
serted places, and rival one another in devising means for meeting the
needs of a life unequipped and unadorned."
* This primitive skill displayed itself proudly in the art of weaving. Here,
too, the animal showed man the way. The web of the spider, the nest of
the bird, the crossing and texture of fibres and leaves in the natural em-
broidery of the woods, set an example so obvious that in all probability weav-
ing was one of the earliest arts of the human race. Bark, leaves and grass
fibres were woven into clothing, carpets and tapestry, sometimes so excellent
that it could not be rivaled today, even with the resources of contemporary
machinery. Aleutian women may spend a year in weaving one robe. The
blankets and garments made by the North American Indians were richly
ornamented with fringes and embroideries of hairs and tendon-threads dyed
in brilliant colors with berry juice; colors "so alive," says Father Thcodut,
"that ours do not seem even to approach them."* 7 Again art began where
nature left off; the bones of birds and fishes, and the slim shoots of the
bamboo tree, were polished into needles, and the tendons of animals were
drawn into threads delicate enough to pass through the eye of the finest
needle today. Bark was beaten into mats and cloths, skins were dried for
clothing and shoes, fibres were twisted into the strongest yarn, and supple
branches and colored filaments were woven into baskets more beautiful than
any modern forms."
Akin to basketry, perhaps born of it, was the art of pottery. Clay placed
upon wickerwork to keep the latter from being burned, hardened into a
fireproof shell which kept its form when the wickerwork was taken away;"
this may have been the first stage of a development that was to culminate
in the perfect porcelains of China. Or perhaps some lumps of clay, baked
and hardened by the sun, suggested the ceramic art; it was but a step from
this to substitute fire for the sun, and to form from the earth myriad shapes
of vessels for every use for cooking, storing and transporting, at last for
* Reduced type, unindented, will be used occasionally for technical or dispensable matter.
14 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. II
.luxury and ornament. Designs imprinted by finger-nail or tool upon the
wet clay were one of the first forms of art, and perhaps one of the origins
*of writing.
Out of sun-dried clay primitive tribes made bricks and adobe, and dwelt,
so to speak, in pottery. But that was a late stage of the building art, bind-
ing the mud hut of the "savage" in a chain of continuous development with
the brilliant tiles of Nineveh and Babylon. Some primitive peoples, like the
Veddahs of Ceylon, had no dwellings at all, and were content with the
earth and the sky; some, like the Tasmanians, slept in hollow trees; some,
like the natives of New South Wales, lived in caves; others, like the Bush-
men, built here and there a wind-shelter of branches, or, more rarely, drove
piles into the soil and covered their tops with moss and twigs. From such
wind-shelters, when sides were added, evolved the hut, which is found
among the natives of Australia in all its stages from a tiny cottage of
branches, grass and earth large enough to cover two or three persons, to
great huts housing thirty or more. The nomad hunter or herdsman pre-
ferred a tent, which he could carry wherever the chase might lead him.
The higher type of nature peoples, like the American Indian, built with
wood; the Iroquois, for example, raised, out of timber still bearing the
bark, sprawling edifices five hundred feet long, which sheltered many fami-
lies. Finally, the natives of Oceania made real houses of carefully cut boards,
and the evolution of the wooden dwelling was complete.*
Only three further developments were needed for primitive man to
create all the essentials of economic civilization: the mechanisms of trans-
port, the processes of trade, and the medium of exchange. The porter
carrying his load from a modern plane pictures the earliest and latest stages
in the history of transportation. In the beginning, doubtless, man was his
own beast of burden, unless he was married; to this day, for the most part,
in southern and eastern Asia, man is wagon and donkey and all. Then he
invented ropes, levers, and pulleys; he conquered and loaded the animal;
he made the first sledge by having his cattle draw along the ground long
branches bearing his goods;* he put logs as rollers under the sledge; he cut
cross-sections of the log, and made the greatest of all mechanical inven-
tions, the wheel; he put wheels under the sledge and made a cart. Other
logs he bound together as rafts, or dug into canoes; and the streams be-
came his most convenient avenues of transport. By land he went first
through trackless fields and hills, then by trails, at last by roads. He studied
the stars, and guided his caravans across mountains and deserts by tracing
* The American Indians, content with this device, never used the wheel.
CHAP. Il) ECONOMIC ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 15
his route in the sky. He paddled, rowed or sailed his way bravely from
island to island, and at last spanned oceans to spread his modest culture
from continent to continent. Here, too, the main problems were solved
before written history began.
Since human skills and natural resources are diversely and unequally
distributed, a people may be enabled, by the development of specific talents,
or by its proximity to needed materials, to produce certain articles more
cheaply than its neighbors. Of such articles it makes more than it con-
sumes, and offers its surplus to other peoples in exchange for their own;
this is the origin of trade. The Chibcha Indians of Colombia exported
the rock salt that abounded in their territory, and received in return the
cereals that could not be raised on their barren soil. Certain American
Indian villages were almost entirely devoted to making arrow-heads; some
in New Guinea to making pottery; some in Africa to blacksmithing, or to
making boats or lances. Such specializing tribes or villages sometimes ac-
quired the names of their industry (Smith, Fisher, Potter . . . ), and these
names were in time attached to specializing families. 3011 Trade in surpluses
was at first by an interchange of gifts; even in our calculating days a
present (if only a meal) sometimes precedes or seals a trade. The ex-
change was facilitated by war, robbery, tribute, fines, and compensation;
goods had to be kept moving! Gradually an orderly system of barter
grew up, and trading posts, markets and bazaars were established occa-
sionally, then periodically, then permanently where those who had some
article in excess might offer it for some article of need. 81
For a long time commerce was purely such exchange, and centuries
passed before a circulating medium of value was invented to quicken trade.
A Dyak might be seen wandering for days through a bazaar, with a ball of
beeswax in his hand, seeking a customer who could offer him in return
something that he might more profitably use. 88 The earliest mediums of
exchange were articles universally in demand, which anyone would take
in payment: dates, salt, skins, furs, ornaments, implements, weapons; in
such traffic two knives equaled one pair of stockings, all three equaled
a blanket, all four equaled a gun, all five equaled a horse; two elk-teeth
equaled one pony, and eight ponies equaled a wife. 88 There is hardly any
thing that has not been employed as money by some people at some time:
beans, fish-hooks, shells, pearls, beads, cocoa seeds, tea, pepper, at last
sheep, pigs, cows, and slaves. Cattle were a convenient standard of value
and medium of exchange among hunters and herders; they bore interest
1 6 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. II
through breeding, and they were easy to carry, since they transported
themselves. Even in Homer's days men and things were valued in terms
of cattle: the armor of Diomedes was worth nine head of cattle, a skilful
slave was worth four. The Romans used kindred words pecus and
'pecuniafor cattle and money, and placed the image of an ox upon their
early coins. Our own words capital, chattel and cattle go back through
the French to the Latin capitale, meaning property: and this in turn
derives from caput, meaning head i.e., of cattle. When metals were
mined they slowly replaced other articles as standards of value; copper,
bronze, iron, finallybecause of their convenient representation of great
worth in little space and weight silver and gold, became the money of
mankind. The advance from token goods to a metallic currency does not
seem to have been made by primitive men; it was left for the historic
civilizations to invent coinage and credit, and so, by further facilitating
the exchange of surpluses, to increase again the wealth and comfort of
man. 84
III. ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION
Primitive communism Causes of its disappearance Origins of
private property Slavery Classes
Trade was the great disturber of the primitive world, for until it came,
bringing money and profit in its wake, there was no property, and there-
fore little government. In the early stages of economic development
property was limited for the most part to things personally used; the
property sense applied so strongly to such articles that they (even the
wife) were often buried with their owner; it applied so weakly to things
not personally used that in their case the sense of property, far from being
innate, required perpetual reinforcement and inculcation.
Almost everywhere, among primitive peoples, land was owned by the
community. The North American Indians, the natives of Peru, the
Chittagong Hill tribes of India, the Borneans and South Sea Islanders seem
to have owned and tilled the soil in common, and to have shared the fruits
together. "The land," said the Omaha Indians, "is like water and wind
what cannot be sold." In Samoa the idea of selling land was unknown
prior to the coming of the white man. Professor Rivers found communism
in land still existing in Melanesia and Polynesia; and in inner Liberia it
may be observed today. 36
Only less widespread was communism in food. It was usual among
CHAP. Il) ECONOMIC ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION If
"savages" for the man who had food to share it with the man who had
none, for travelers to be fed at any home they chose to stop at on their
way, and for communities harassed with drought to be maintained by
their neighbors. 88 If a man sat down to his meal in the woods he was
expected to call loudly for some one to come and share it with him, before
he might justly eat alone. 87 When Turner told a Samoan about the poor in
London the "savage" asked in astonishment: "How is it? No food? No
friends? No house to live in? Where did he grow? Are there no
houses belonging to his friends?" 88 The hungry Indian had but to ask to
receive; no matter how small the supply was, food was given him if he
needed it; "no one can want food while there is corn anywhere in the
town." 89 Among the Hottentots it was the custom for one who had more
than others to share his surplus till all were equal. White travelers in
Africa before the advent of civilization noted that a present of food or
other valuables to a "black man" was at once distributed; so that when
a suit of clothes was given to one of them the donor soon found the
recipient wearing the hat, a friend the trousers, another friend the coat.
The Eskimo hunter had no personal right to his catch; it had to be divided
among the inhabitants of the village, and tools and provisions were the
common property of all. The North American Indians were described
by Captain Carver as "strangers to all distinctions of property, except in
the articles of domestic use. . . . They are extremely liberal to each other,
and supply the deficiencies of their friends with any superfluity of their
own." "What is extremely surprising," reports a missionary, "is to see
them treat one another with a gentleness and consideration which one does
not find among common people in the most civilized nations. This, doubt-
less, arises from the fact that the words 'mine' and 'thine,' which St.
Chrysostom says extinguish in our hearts the fire of charity and kindle
that of greed, are unknown to these savages." "I have seen them," says
another observer, "divide game among themselves when they sometimes
had many shares to make; and cannot recollect a single instance of their
falling into a dispute or finding fault with the distribution as being unequal
or otherwise objectionable. They would rather lie down themselves on
an empty stomach than have it laid to their charge that they neglected
to satisfy the needy. . . . They look upon themselves as but one great
family.""
Why did this primitive communism disappear as men rose to what we,
with some partiality, call civilization? Sumner believed that communism
l8 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. II
proved unbiological, a handicap in the struggle for existence; that it gave
insufficient stimulus to inventiveness, industry and thrift; and that the
failure to reward the more able, and punish the less able, made for a level-
ing of capacity which was hostile to growth or to successful competition
with other groups. 41 Loskiel reported some Indian tribes of the northeast
as "so lazy that they plant nothing themselves, but rely entirely upon the
expectation that others will not refuse to share their produce with them.
Since the industrious thus enjoy no more of the fruits of their labor than
the idle, they plant less every year." 41 Darwin thought that the perfect
equality among the Fuegians was fatal to any hope of their becoming
civilized; 48 or, as the Fuegians might have put it, civilization would have
been fatal to their equality. Communism brought a certain security to all
who survived the diseases and accidents due to the poverty and ignorance
of primitive society; but it did not lift them out of that poverty. In-
dividualism brought wealth, but it brought, also, insecurity and slavery;
it stimulated the latent powers of superior men, but it intensified the com-
petition of life, and made men feel bitterly a poverty which, when all
shared it alike, had seemed to oppress none.*
Communism could survive more easily in societies where men were
always on the move, and danger and want were ever present. Hunters
and herders had no need of private property in land; but when agriculture
became the settled life of men it soon appeared that the land was most
fruitfully tilled when the rewards of careful husbandry accrued to the
family that had provided it. Consequentlysince there is a natural selec-
tion of institutions and ideas as well as of organisms and groups the
passage from hunting to agriculture brought a change from tribal property
to family property; the most economical unit of production became the
* Perhaps one reason why communism tends to appear chiefly at the beginning of civili-
zations is that it flourishes most readily in times of dearth, when the common danger of
starvation fuses the individual into the group. When abundance comes, and the danger
subsides, social cohesion is lessened, and individualism increases; communism ends where
luxiiry begins. As the life of a society becomes more complex, and the division of labor
differentiates men into diverse occupations and trades, it becomes more and more unlikely
that all these services will be equally valuable to the group; inevitably those whose greater
ability enables them to perform the more vital functions will take more than their equal
share of the rising wealth of the group. Every growing civilization is a scene of multiply-
ing inequalities; the natural differences of human endowment unite with differences of
opportunity to produce artificial differences of wealth and power; and where no laws or
despots suppress these artificial inequalities they reach at last a bursting point where the
poor have nothing to lose by violence, and the chaos of revolution levels men again into a
community of destitution.
Hence the dream of communism lurks in every modern society as a racial memory of a
CHAP. Il) ECONOMIC ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 19
unit of ownership. As the family took on more and more a patriarchal
form, with authority centralized in the oldest male, property became
increasingly individualized, and personal bequest arose. Frequently an
enterprising individual would leave the family haven, adventure beyond
the traditional boundaries, and by hard labor reclaim land from the forest,
the jungle or the marsh; such land he guarded jealously as his own, and
in the end society recognized his right, and another form of individual
property began. 48 * As the pressure of population increased, and older
lands were exhausted, such reclamation went on in a widening circle, until,
in the more complex societies, individual ownership became the order of
the day. The invention of money cooperated with these factors by facili-
tating the accumulation, transport and transmission of property. The
old tribal rights and traditions reasserted themselves in the technical owner-
ship of the soil by the village community or the king, and in periodical
redistributions of the land; but after an epoch of natural oscillation between
the old and the new, private property established itself definitely as the
basic economic institution of historical society.
Agriculture, while generating civilization, led not only to private prop-
erty but to slavery. In purely hunting communities slavery had been
unknown; the hunter's wives and children sufficed to do the menial work.
The men alternated between the excited activity of hunting or war, and
the exhausted lassitude of satiety or peace. The characteristic laziness
of primitive peoples had its origin, presumably, in this habit of slowly re-
cuperating from the fatigue of battle or the chase; it was not so much
laziness as rest. To transform this spasmodic activity into regular work
two things were needed: the routine of tillage, and the organization of
labor.
Such organization remains loose and spontaneous where men are work-
ing for themselves; where they work for others, the organization of labor
simpler and more equal life; and where inequality or insecurity rises beyond sufferance,
men welcome a return to a condition which they idealize by recalling its equality and
forgetting its poverty. Periodically the land gets itself redistributed, legally or not,
whether by the Gracchi in Rome, the Jacobins in France, or the Communists in Russia;
periodically wealth is redistributed, whether by the violent confiscation of property, or
by confiscatory taxation of incomes and bequests. Then the race for wealth, goods and
power begins again, and the pyramid of ability takes form once more; under whatever
laws may be enacted the abler man manages somehow to get the richer soil, the better
place, the lion's share; soon he is strong enough to dominate the state and rewrite or
interpret the laws; and in time the inequality is as great as before. In this aspect all
economic history is the slow heart-beat of the social organism, a vast systole and diastole
of naturally concentrating wealth and naturally explosive revolution.
2O
THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. II
depends in the last analysis upon force. The rise of agriculture and the
inequality of men led to the employment of the socially weak by the
socially strong; not till then did it occur to the victor in war that the only
good prisoner is a live one. Butchery and cannibalism lessened, slavery
grew. 44 It was a great moral improvement when men ceased to kill or
eat their fellowmen, and merely made them slaves. A similar develop-
ment on a larger scale may be seen today, when a nation victorious in war
no longer exterminates the enemy, but enslaves it with indemnities. Once
slavery had been established and had proved profitable, it was extended
by condemning to it defaulting debtors and obstinate criminals, and by
raids undertaken specifically to capture slaves. War helped to make
slavery, and slavery helped to make war.
Probably it was through centuries of slavery that our race acquired
its traditions and habits of toil. No one would do any hard or persistent
work if he could avoid it without physical, economic or social penalty.
Slavery became part of the discipline by which man was prepared for
industry. Indirectly it furthered civilization, in so far as it increased
wealth andfor a minority created leisure. After some centuries men
took it for granted; Aristotle argued for slavery as natural and inevitable,
and St. Paul gave his benediction to what must have seemed, by his time,
a divinely ordained institution.
Gradually, through agriculture and slavery, through the division of
labor and the inherent diversity of men, the comparative equality of
natural society was replaced by inequality and class divisions. "In the
primitive group we find as a rule no distinction between slave and free,
no serfdom, no caste, and little if any distinction between chief and
followers." 45 Slowly the increasing complexity of tools and trades sub-
jected the unskilled or weak to the skilled or strong; every invention was
a new weapon in the hands of the strong, and further strengthened them
in their mastery and use of the weak.* Inheritance added superior oppor-
tunity to superior possessions, and stratified once homogeneous societies
into a maze of classes and castes. Rich and poor became disruptively
conscious of wealth and poverty; the class war began to run as a red
thread through all history; and the state arose as an indispensable instru-
ment for the regulation of classes, the protection of property, the waging
of war, and the organization of peace.
* So in our time that Mississippi of inventions which we call the Industrial Revolution
has enormously intensified the natural inequality of men.
CHAPTER III
The Political Elements of Civilization
I. THE ORIGINS OF GOVERNMENT
The unsocial instinct Primitive anarchism The clan and the
tribe The king War
MAN is not willingly a political animal. The human male associates
with his fellows less by desire than by habit, imitation, and the
compulsion of circumstance; he does not love society so much as he
fears solitude. He combines with other men because isolation endangers
him, and because there are many things that can be done better together
than alone; in his heart he is a solitary individual, pitted heroically against^
the world. If the average man had had his way there would probably
never have been any state. Even today he resents it, classes death with
taxes, and yearns for that government which governs least. If he asks
for many laws it is only because he is sure that his neighbor needs them;
privately he is an unphilosophical anarchist, and thinks laws in his own
case superfluous.
In the simplest societies there is hardly any government. Primitive
hunters tend to accept regulation only when they join the hunting pack
and prepare for action. The Bushmen usually live in solitary families;
the Pygmies of Africa and the simplest natives of Australia admit only
temporarily of political organization, and then scatter away to their
family groups; the Tasmanians had no chiefs, no laws, no regular govern-
ment; the Veddahs of Ceylon formed small circles according to family
relationship, but had no government; the Kubus of Sumatra "live without
men in authority," every family governing itself; the Fuegians are seldom
more than twelve together; the Tungus associate sparingly in groups of
ten tents or so; the Australian "horde" is seldom larger than sixty souls. 1
In such cases association and cooperation are for special purposes, like
hunting; they do not rise to any permanent political order.
The earliest form of continuous social organization was the clan a group
of related families occupying a common tract of land, having the same
21
22 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. Ill
totem, and governed by the same customs or laws. When a group of clans
united under the same chief the tribe was formed, and became the second
step on the way to the state. But this was a slow development; many
groups had no chiefs at all/ and many more seem to have tolerated them
only in time of war.* Instead of democracy being a wilted feather in the
cap of our own age, it appears at its best in several primitive groups where
such government as exists is merely the rule of the family-heads of the
clan, and no arbitrary authority is allowed. 4 The Iroquois and Delaware
Indians recognized no laws or restraints beyond the natural order of the
family and the clan; their chiefs had modest powers, which might at any
time be ended by the elders of the tribe. The Omaha Indians were ruled
by a Council of Seven, who deliberated until they came to a unanimous
agreement; add this to the famous League of the Iroquois, by which many
tribes bound themselves and honored their pledge to keep the peace,
and one sees no great gap between these "savages" and the modern states
that bind themselves revocably to peace in the League of Nations.
It is war that makes the chief, the king and the state, just as it is these
that make war. In Samoa the chief had power during war, but at other
times no one paid much attention to him. The Dyaks had no other
government than that of each family by its head; in case of strife they
chose their bravest warrior to lead them, and obeyed him strictly; but
once the conflict was ended they literally sent him about his business. 8
In the intervals of peace it was the priest, or head magician, who had most
authority and influence; and when at last a permanent kingship developed
as the usual mode of government among a majority of tribes, it combined
and derived from the offices of warrior, father and priest. Societies arc
ruled by two powers: in peace by the word, in crises by the sword; force
is used only when indoctrination fails. Law and myth have gone hand in
Hand throughout the centuries, cooperating or taking turns in the manage-
ment of mankind; until our own day no state dared separate them, and
perhaps tomorrow they will be united again.
How did war lead to the state? It is not that men were naturally in-
clined to war. Some lowly peoples are quite peaceful; and the Eskimos
could not understand why Europeans of the same pacific faith should hunt
one another like seals and steal one another's land. "How well it is"
they apostrophized their soil "that you are covered with ice and snow!
How well it is that if in your rocks there are gold and silver, for which
the Christians are so greedy, it is covered with so much snow that they
CHAP. Ill) POLITICAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 23
cannot get at it! Your unfruitfulness makes us happy, and saves us from
molestation."' Nevertheless, primitive life was incarnadined with inter-
mittent war. Hunters fought for 'happy hunting grounds still rich in
prey, herders fought for new pastures for their flocks, tillers fought for
virgin soil; all of them, at times, fought to avenge a murder, or to harden
and discipline their youth, or to interrupt the monotony of life, or for
simple plunder and rape; very rarely for religion. There were institutions
and customs for the limitation of slaughter, as among ourselves certain
hours, days, weeks or months during which no gentleman savage would
kill; certain functionaries who were inviolable, certain roads neutralized,
certain markets and asylums set aside for peace; and the League of the
Iroquois maintained the "Great Peace" for three hundred years/ But
for the most part war was the favorite instrument of natural selection
among primitive nations and groups.
Its results were endless. It acted as a ruthless eliminator of weak peoples,
and raised the level of the race in courage, violence, cruelty, intelligence
and skill. It stimulated invention, made weapons that became useful tools,
and arts of war that became arts of peace. (How many railroads today
begin in strategy and end in trade!) Above all, war dissolved primitive
communism and anarchism, introduced organization and discipline, and
led to the enslavement of prisoners, the subordination of classes, and the
growth of government. Property was the mother, war was the father,
of the state. *
II. THE STATE
As the organization of forceThe village communityThe
psychological aides of the state
"A herd of blonde beasts of prey," says Nietzsche, "a race of con-
querors and masters, which with all its warlike organization and all its
organizing power pounces with its terrible claws upon a population, in
numbers possibly tremendously superior, but as yet formless, . . . such
is the origin of the state." 8 "The state as distinct from tribal organization,"
says Lester Ward, "begins with the conquest of one race by another."*
"Everywhere," says Oppenheimer, "we find some warlike tribe breaking
through the boundaries of some less warlike people, settling down as
nobility, and founding its state." 10 "Violence," says Ratzenhofer, "is the
agent which has created the state." 11 The state, says Gumplowicz, is
the result of conquest, the establishment of the victors as a ruling caste
24 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. Ill
over the vanquished." "The state," says Sumner, "is the product of
force, and exists by force." 1 *
This violent subjection is usually of a settled agricultural group by a
tribe of hunters and herders. 14 For agriculture teaches men pacific ways,
inures them to a prosaic routine, and exhausts them with the long day's
toil; such men accumulate wealth, but they forget the arts and sentiments
of war. The hunter and the herder, accustomed to danger and skilled
in killing, look upon war as but another form of the chase, and hardly
more perilous; when the woods cease to give them abundant game, or
flocks decrease through a thinning pasture, they look with envy upon the
ripe fields of the village, they invent with modern ease some plausible
reason for attack, they invade, conquer, enslave and rule.*
The state is a late development, and hardly appears before the time of
written history. For it presupposes a change in the very principle of social
organization from kinship to domination; and in primitive societies the
former is the rule. Domination succeeds best where it binds diverse natural
groups into an advantageous unity of order and trade. Even such conquest
is seldom lasting except where the progress of invention has strengthened
the strong by putting into their hands new tools and weapons for suppress-
ing revolt. In permanent conquest the principle of domination tends to be-
come concealed and almost unconscious; the French who rebelled in 1789
hardly realized, until Camille Desmoulins reminded them, that the aris-
tocracy that had ruled them for a thousand years had come from Germany
and had subjugated them by force. Time sanctifies everything; even the
most arrant theft, in the hands of the robber's grandchildren, becomes sacred
and inviolable property. Every state begins in compulsion; but the habits
of obedience become the content of conscience, and soon every citizen
thrills with loyalty to the flag.
The citizen is right; for however the state begins, it soon becomes an in-
dispensable prop to order. As trade unites clans and tribes, relations spring
up that depend not on kinship but on contiguity, and therefore require an
artificial principle of regulation. The village community may serve as an
example: it displaced tribe and clan as the mode of local organization, and
It is a law that holds only for early societies, since under more complex conditions a
variety of other factors greater wealth, better weapons, higher intelligencecontribute to
determine the issue. So Egypt was conquered not only by Hyksos, Ethiopian, Arab and
Turkish nomads, but also by the settled civilizations of Assyria, Persia, Greece, Rome and
England though not until these nations had become hunters and nomads on an imperial-
istic scale.
CHAP. Ill) POLITICAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 25
achieved a simple, almost democratic government of small areas through a
concourse of family-heads; but the very existence and number of such com-
munities created a need for some external force that could regulate their
interrelations and weave them into a larger economic web. The state, ogre
though it was in its origin, supplied this need; it became not merely an or-
ganized force, but an instrument for adjusting the interests of the thousand
conflicting groups that constitute a complex society. It spread the tentacles of
its power and law over wider and wider areas, and though it made external
war more destructive than before, it extended and maintained internal peace;
the state may be defined as internal peace for external war. Men decided
that it was better to pay taxes than to fight among themselves; better to pay
tribute to one magnificent robber than to bribe them all. What an inter-
regnum meant to a society accustomed to government may be judged from
the behavior of the Baganda, among whom, when the king died, every man
had to arm himself; for the lawless ran riot, killing and plundering every-
where. 15 "Without autocratic rule," as Spencer said, "the evolution of so-
ciety could not have commenced." 1 *
A state which should rely upon force alone would soon fall, for though
men are naturally gullible they are also naturally obstinate, and power,
like taxes, succeeds best when it is invisible and indirect. Hence the state,
in order to maintain itself, used and forged many instruments of in-
doctrinationthe family, the church, the school to build in the soul of
the citizen a habit of patriotic loyalty and pride. This saved a thousand
policemen, and prepared the public mind for that docile coherence which
is indispensable in war. Above all, the ruling minority sought more and
more to transform its forcible mastery into a body of law which, while
consolidating that mastery, would afford a welcome security and order
to the people, and would recognize the rights of the "subject"* sufficiently
to win his acceptance of the law and his adherence to the State.
ra. LAW
Larw-lessnessLaiv and custom Revenge FinesCourts Ordeal
The duel Punishment Primitive freedom
Law comes with property, marriage and government; the lowest societies
manage to get along without it. "I have lived with communities of savages
in South America and in the East," said Alfred Russel Wallace, "who
* Note how this word betrays the origin of the state.
26 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. Ill
have no law or law-courts but the public opinion of the village freely
expressed. Each man scrupulously respects the rights of his fellows, and
any infraction of those rights rarely or never takes place. In such a com-
munity all are nearly equal." 17 Herman Melville writes similarly of the
Marquesas Islanders: "During the time I have lived among the Typees
no one was ever put upon his trial for any violence to the public. Every-
thing went on in the valley with a harmony and smoothness unparalleled,
I will venture to assert, in the most select, refined, and pious associations 1
of mortals in Christendom." 11 The old Russian Government established
courts of law in the Aleutian Islands, but in fifty years those courts found
no employment. "Crime and offenses," reports Brinton, "were so infre-
quent under the social system of the Iroquois that they can scarcely be
said to have had a penal code." 1 * Such are the ideal perhaps the idealized
conditions for whose return the anarchist perennially pines.
Certain amendments must be made to these descriptions. Natural socie-
ties arc comparatively free from law first because they are ruled by cus-
toms as rigid and inviolable as any law; and secondly because crimes of
violence, in the beginning, are considered to be private matters, and are left
to bloody personal revenge.
Underneath all the phenomena of society is the great terra firma of cus-
tom, that bedrock of time-hallowed modes of thought and action which
provides a society with some measure of steadiness and order through all
absence, changes, and interruptions of law. Custom gives the same stability
to the group that heredity and instinct give to the species, and habit to the
individual. It is the routine that keeps men sane; for if there were no grooves
along which thought and action might move with unconscious ease, the
mind would be perpetually hesitant, and would soon take refuge in lunacy.
A law of economy works in instinct and habit, in custom and convention:
the most convenient mode of response to repeated stimuli or traditional sit-
uations is automatic response. Thought and innovation are disturbances of
regularity, and are tolerated only for indispensable readaptations, or
promised gold.
When to this natural basis of custom a supernatural sanction is added by
religion, and the ways of one's ancestors are also the will of the gods, then
custom becomes stronger than law, and subtracts substantially from primi-
tive freedom. To violate law is to win the admiration of half the populace,
who secretly envy anyone who can outwit this ancient enemy; to violate
custom is to incur almost universal hostility. For custom rises out of the
people, whereas law is forced upon them from above; law is usually a de-
CHAP. Ill) POLITICAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION ^^
cree of the master, but custom is the natural selection of those modes of
action that have been found most convenient in the experience of the group.
Law partly replaces custom when the state replaces the natural order of the
family, the clan, the tribe, and the village community; it more fully replaces
custom when writing appears, and laws graduate from a code carried
down in the memory of elders and priests into a system of legislation pro-
claimed in written tables. But the replacement is never complete; in the!
determination and judgment of human conduct custom remains to the endj
the force behind the law, the power behind the throne, the last "magis-|
trate of men's lives."
The first stage in the evolution of law is personal revenge. "Vengeance
is mine," says the primitive individual; "I will repay." Among the Indian
tribes of Lower California every man was his own policeman, and admin-
istered justice in the form of such vengeance as he was strong enough
to take. So in many early societies the murder of A by B led to the
murder of B by A's son or friend C, the murder of C by B's son or friend
D, and so on perhaps to the end of the alphabet; we may find examples
among the purest-blooded American families of today. This principle of
revenge persists throughout the history of law: it appears in the Lex
Talionis*or Law of Retaliation embodied in Roman Law; it plays a
large role in the Code of Hammurabi, and in the "Mosaic" demand of
"an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth"; and it lurks behind most legal
punishments even in our day.
The second step toward law and civilization in the treatment of crime
was the substitution of damages for revenge. Very often the chief, to
maintain internal harmony, used his power or influence to have the re-
vengeful family content itself with gold or goods instead of blood. Soon
a regular tariff arose, determining how much must be paid for an eye,
a tooth, an arm, or a life; Hammurabi legislated extensively in such terms.
The Abyssinians were so meticulous in this regard that when a boy fell
from a tree upon his companion and killed him, the judges decided that*
the bereaved mother should send another of her sons into the tree to
fall upon the culprit's neck." The penalties assessed in cases of composi-
tion might vary with the sex, age and rank of the offender and the injured;
among the Fijians, for example, petty larceny by a common man was con-
sidered a more heinous crime than murder by a chief.* 1 Throughout the
A phrase apparently invented by Qcero.
28 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. HI
history of law the magnitude of the crime has been lessened by the magni-
tude of the criminal.* Since these fines or compositions, paid to avert
revenge, required some adjudication of offenses and damages, a third step
towards law was taken by the formation of courts; the chief or the elders
or the priests sat in judgment to settle the conflicts of their people. Such
courts were not always judgment seats; often they were boards of volun-
tary conciliation, which arranged some amicable settlement of the dis-
pute, t For many centuries, and among many peoples, resort to courts
remained optional; and where the offended party was dissatisfied with
the judgment rendered, he was still free to seek personal revenge. 89
In many cases disputes were settled by a public contest between the
parties, varying in bloodiness from a harmless boxing-match as among the
wise Eskimos to a duel to the death. Frequently the primitive mind re-
sorted to an ordeal not so much on the medieval theory that a deity would
reveal the culprit as in the hope that the ordeal, however unjust, would
end a feud that might otherwise embroil the tribe for generations. Some-
times accuser and accused were asked to choose between two bowls of
food of which one was poisoned; the wrong party might be poisoned
(usually not beyond redemption), but then the dispute was ended, since
both parties ordinarily believed in the righteousness of the ordeal. Among
some tribes it was the custom for a native who acknowledged his guilt
to hold out his leg and permit the injured party to pierce it with a spear.
Or the accused submitted to having spears thrown at him by his accusers;
if they all missed him he was declared innocent; if he was hit, even by one,
he was adjudged guilty, and the affair was closed." From such early
forms the ordeal persisted through the laws of Moses and Hammurabi and
down into the Middle Ages; the duel, which is one form of the ordeal, and
which historians thought dead, is being revived in our own day. So brief
and narrow, in some respects, is the span between primitive and modern
man; so short is the history of civilization.
The fourth advance in the growth of law was the assumption, by the
chief or the state, of the obligation to prevent and punish wrongs. It is
but a step from settling disputes and punishing offenses to making some
* Perhaps an exception should be made in the case of the Brahmans, who, by the Code
of Manu (VIII, 336-8), were called upon to bear greater punishments for the same crime
than members of lower castes; but this regulation was well honored in the breach.
tSome of our most modern cities are trying to revive this ancient time-saving institu-
tion.
CHAP. Ill) POLITICAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 29
effort to prevent them. So the chief becomes not merely a judge but a
lawgiver; and to the general body of "common law" derived from the
customs of the group is added a body of "positive law," derived from the
decrees of the government; in the one case the laws grow up, in the other
they are handed down. In either case the laws carry with them the mark
of their ancestry, and reek with the vengeance which they tried to replace.
Primitive punishments are cruel, 114 because primitive society feels insecure;
as social organization becomes more stable, punishments become less severe.
In general the individual has fewer "rights" in natural society than
under civilization. Everywhere man is born in chains: the chains of
heredity, of environment, of custom, and of law. The primitive in-
dividual moves always within a web of regulations incredibly stringent and
detailed; a thousand tabus restrict his action, a thousand terrors limit his
will. The natives of New Zealand were apparently without laws, but
in actual fact rigid custom ruled every aspect of their lives. Unchangeable
and unquestionable conventions determined the sitting and the rising, the
standing and the walking, the eating, drinking and sleeping of the natives
of Bengal. The individual was hardly recognized as a separate entity in
natural society; what existed was the family and the clan, the tribe and
the village community; it was these that owned land and exercised power.
Only with the coming of private property, which gave him economic
authority, and of the state, which gave him a legal status and defined
rights, did the individual begin to stand out as a distinct reality." Rights?
do not come to us from nature, which knows no rights except cunning
and strength; they are privileges assured to individuals by the community
as advantageous to the common good. Liberty is a luxury of security;
the free individual is a product and a mark of civilization.
IV. THE FAMILY
Its function in civilizationThe clan vs. the family Growth of
parental care Unimportance of the father Separation of the
sexes Mother-right Status of woman Her occupa-
tions Her economic achievements The patri-
archateThe subjection of woman
As the basic needs of man are hunger and love, so the fundamental func-
tions of social organization are economic provision and biological main-
tenance; a stream of children is as vital as a continuity of food. To insti-
30 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. Ill
tutions which seek material welfare and political order, society always
adds institutions for the perpetuation of the race. Until the state towards
the dawn of the historic civilizations becomes the central and permanent
source of social -order, the clan undertakes the delicate task of regulating
the relations between the sexes and between the generations; and even
after the state has been established, the essential government of mankind
remains in that most deep-rooted of all historic institutions, the family.
It is highly improbable that the first human beings lived in isolated fami-
lies, even in the hunting stage; for the inferiority of man in physiological
organs of defense would have left such families a prey to marauding beasts.
Usually, in nature, those organisms that are poorly equipped for individual
defense live in groups, and find in united action a means of survival in a
world bristling with tusks and claws and impenetrable hides. Presumably it
was so with man; he saved himself by solidarity in the hunting-pack and
the clan. When economic relations and political mastery replaced kinship
as the principle of social organization, the clan lost its position as die sub-
structure of society; at the bottom it was supplanted by the family, at the
top it was superseded by the state. Government took over the problem of
maintaining order, while the family assumed the tasks of reorganizing indus-
try and carrying on the race.
Among the lower animals there is no care of progeny; consequently
eggs are spawned in great number, and some survive and develop while
the great majority are eaten or destroyed. Most fish lay a million eggs
per year; a few species of fish show a modest solicitude for their offspring,
and find half a hundred eggs per year sufficient for their purposes. Birds
care better for their young, and hatch from five to twelve eggs yearly;
mammals, whose very name suggests parental care, master the earth with
an average of three young per female per year." Throughout the animal
world fertility and destruction decrease as parental care increases; through-
out the human world the birth rate and the death rate fall together as
civilization rises. Better family care makes possible a longer adolescence,
in which the young receive fuller training and 'development before they
are flung upon their own resources; and the lowered birth rate releases
human energy for other activities than reproduction.
Since it was the mother who fulfilled most of the parental functions,
the family was at first (so far as we can pierce the mists of history) organ-
ized on the assumption that the position of the man in the family was
CHAP.IIl) POLITICAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 3!
superficial and incidental, while that of the woman was fundamental and
supreme. In some existing tribes, and probably in the earliest human
groups the physiological role of the male in reproduction appears to have
escaped notice quite as completely as among animals, who rut and mate
and breed with happy unconsciousness of cause and effect. The Trobriand
Islanders attribute pregnancy not to any commerce of the sexes, but to
the entrance of a baloma^ or ghost, into the woman. Usually the ghost
enters while the woman is bathing; "a fish has bitten me," the girl reports.
"When," says Malinowski, "I asked who was the father of an illegitimate
child, there was only one answer that there was no father, since the girl
was unmarried. If, then, I asked, in quite plain terms, who was the
physiological father, the question was not understood. . . . The answer
would be: 'It is a baloma who gave her this child.' " These islanders had
a strange belief that the baloma would more readily enter a girl given to
loose relations with men; nevertheless, in choosing precautions against
pregnancy, the girls preferred to avoid bathing at high tide rather than to
forego relations with men." 7 It is a delightful story, which must have
proved a great convenience in the embarrassing aftermath of generosity;
it would be still more delightful if it had been invented for anthropologists
as well as for husbands.
In Melanesia intercourse was recognized as the cause of pregnancy, but
unmarried girls insisted on blaming some article in their diet." Even
where the function of the male was understood, sex relationships were so
irregular that it was never a simple matter to determine the father. Con-
sequently the quite primitive mother seldom bothered to inquire into the
paternity of her child; it belonged to her, and she belonged not to a hus 1 -
band but to her father or her brother and the clan; it was with these
that she remained, and these were the only male relatives whom her child
would know." The bonds of affection between brother and sister were
usually stronger than between husband and wife. The husband, in many
cases, remained in the family and clan of his mother, and saw his wife
only as a clandestine visitor. Even in classical civilization the brother was
dearer than the husband: it was her brother, not her husband, that the
wife of Intaphernes saved from the wrath of Darius; it was for her brother,
not for her husband, that Antigone sacrificed herself. 80 "The notion that
a man's wife is the nearest person in the world to him is a relatively modern
notion, and one which is restricted to a comparatively small part of the
human race." 81
32 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. Ill
So slight is the relation between father and children in primitive society
that in a great number of tribes the sexes live apart. In Australia and
British New Guinea, in Africa and Micronesia, in Assam and Burma,
among the Aleuts, Eskimos and Samoyeds, and here and there over the
earth, tribes may still be found in which there is no visible family life; the
men live apart from the women, and visit them only now and then; even
the meals are taken separately. In northern Papua it is not considered
right for a man to be seen associating socially with a woman, even if she
is the mother of his children. In Tahiti "family life is quite unknown."
Out of this segregation of the sexes come those secret fraternities usually
of males which appear everywhere among primitive races, and serve most
often as a refuge against women. 88 They resemble our modern fraternities
in another point their hierarchical organization.
The simplest form of the family, then, was the woman and her children,
living with her mother or her brother in the clan; such an arrangement
was a natural outgrowth of the animal family of the mother and her litter,
and of the biological ignorance of primitive man. An alternative early
form was "matrilocal marriage": the husband left his clan and went to live
with the clan and family of his wife, laboring for her or with her in the
service of her parents. Descent, in such cases, was traced through the
female line, and inheritance was through the mother; sometimes even the
kingship passed down through her rather than through the male. 88 This
"mother-right" was not a "matriarchate" it did not imply the rule of
women over men.* 4 Even when property was transmitted through the
woman she had little power over it; she was used as a means of tracing
relationships which, through primitive laxity or freedom, were otherwise
obscure." It is true that in any system of society the woman exercises a
certain authority, rising naturally out of her importance in the home, out
of her function as the dispenser of food, and out of the need that the
male has of her, and her power to refuse him. It is also true that there
have been, occasionally, women rulers among some South African tribes;
that in the Pelew Islands the chief did nothing of consequence without
the advice of a council of elder women; that among the Iroquois the
squaws had an equal right, with the men, of speaking and voting in the
tribal council; 8 * and that among the Seneca Indians women held great
power, even to the selection of the chief. But these are rare and exceptional
cases. All in all the position of woman in early societies was one of sub-
jection verging upon slavery. Her periodic disability, her unfamiliarity
CHAP. Ill) POLITICAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 33
with weapons, the biological absorption of her strength in carrying, nurs-
ing and rearing children, handicapped her in the war of the sexes, and
doomed her to a subordinate status in all but the very lowest and the very
highest societies. Nor was her position necessarily to rise with the develop-
ment of civilization; it was destined to be lower in Periclean Greece than
among the North American Indians; it was to rise and fall with her strategic
importance rather than with the culture and morals of men.
In the hunting stage she did almost all the work except the actual
capture of the game. In return for exposing himself to the hardships and
risks of the chase, the male rested magnificently for the greater part of
the year. The woman bore her children abundantly, reared them, kept
the hut or home in repair, gathered food in woods and fields, cooked,
cleaned, and made the clothing and the boots." Because the men, when
the tribe moved, had to be ready at any moment to fight off attack, they
carried nothing but their weapons; the women carried all the rest. Bush-
women were used as servants and beasts of burden; if they proved too
weak to keep up with the march, tfiey were abandoned. 88 When the
natives of the Lower Murray saw pack oxen they thought that these were
the wives of the whites." The differences in strength which now divide
the sexes hardly existed in those days, and are now environmental rather
than innate: woman, apart from her biological disabilities, was almost the
equal of man in stature, endurance, resourcefulness and courage; she was
not yet an ornament, a thing of beauty, or a sexual toy; she was a robust
animal, able to perform arduous work for long hours, and, if necessary,
to fight to the death for her children or her clan. "Women," said a
chieftain of the Chippewas, "are created for work. One of them can
draw or carry as much as two men. They also pitch our tents, make our
clothes, mend them, and keep us warm at night. . . . We absolutely cannot
get along without them on a journey. They do everything and cost only
a little; for since they must be forever cooking, they can be satisfied in
lean times by licking their fingers." 40
Most economic advances, in early society, were made by the woman
rather than the man. While for centuries he clung to his ancient ways of
hunting and herding, she developed agriculture near the camp, and those
busy arts of the home which were to become the most important industries
of later days. From the "wool-bearing tree," as the Greeks called the
cotton plant, the primitive woman rolled thread and made cotton cloth."
It was she, apparently, who developed sewing, weaving, basketry, pottery,
J4 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION {CHAP. HI
woodworking, and building; and in many cases it was she who carried on
primitive trade.** It was she who developed the home, slowly adding man
to the list of her domesticated animals, and training him in those social
dispositions and amenities which are the psychological basis and cement
of civilization.
But as agriculture became more complex and brought larger rewards,
the stronger sex took more and more of it into its own hands. 4 * The
growth of cattle-breeding gave the man a new source of wealth, stability
and power; even agriculture, which must have seemed so prosaic to the
mighty Nimrods of antiquity, was at last accepted by the wandering
male, and the economic leadership which tillage had for a time given to
women was wrested from them by the men. The application to agri-
culture of those very animals that woman had first domesticated led to her
replacement by the male in the control of the fields; the advance from the
hoe to the plough put a premium upon physical strength, and enabled the
man to assert his supremacy. The growth of transmissible property in
cattle and in the products of the soil led to the sexual subordination of
woman, for the male now demanded from her that fidelity which he
thought would enable him to pass on his accumulations to children pre-
sumably his own. Gradually the man had his way: fatherhood became
recognized, and property began to descend through the male; mother-
right yielded to father-right; and the patriarchal family, with the oldest
male at its head, became the economic, legal, political and moral unit of
i society. The gods, who had been mostly feminine, became great bearded
[ patriarchs, with such harems as ambitious men dreamed of in their solitude.
This passage to the patriarchal father-ruled family was fatal to the
position of woman. In all essential aspects she and her children became
the property first of her father or oldest brother, then of her husband.
She was bought in marriage precisely as a slave was bought in the market.
She was bequeathed as property when her husband died; and in some
places (New Guinea, the New Hebrides, the Solomon Islands, Fiji, India,
etc.) she was strangled and buried with her dead husband, or was expected
to commit suicide, in order to attend upon him in the other world. 44 The
father had now the right to treat, give, sell or lend his wives and daughters
very much as he pleased, subject only to the social condemnation of other
fathers exercising the same rights. While the male reserved the privilege
of extending his sexual favors beyond his home, the woman under patri-
CHAP. Ill) POLITICAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 35
archal institutionswas vowed to complete chastity before marriage, and
complete fidelity after it. The double standard was born.
The general subjection of woman which had existed in the hunting
stage, and had persisted, in diminished form, through the period of mother-
right, became now more pronounced and merciless than before. Im
ancient Russia, on the marriage of a daughter, the father struck her
gently with a whip, and then presented the whip to the bridegroom,* 6 as
a sign that her beatings were now to come from a rejuvenated hand. Even
the American Indians, among whom mother-right survived indefinitely,
treated their women harshly, consigned to them all drudgery, and often
called them dogs. 4 * Everywhere the life of a woman was considered
cheaper than that of a man; and when girls were born there was none of
the rejoicing that marked the coming of a male. Mothers sometimes
destroyed their female children to keep them from misery. In Fiji wives
might be sold at pleasure, and the usual price was a musket/ 7 Among
some tribes man and wife did not sleep together, lest the breath of the
woman should enfeeble the man; in Fiji it was not thought proper for a
man to sleep regularly at home; in New Caledonia the wife slept in a shed,
while the man slept in the house. In Fiji dogs were allowed in some of
the temples, but women were excluded from all; 48 such exclusion of
women from religious services survives in Islam to this day. Doubtless
woman enjoyed at all times the mastery that comes of long-continued
speech; the men might be rebuffed, harangued, evennow and then-
beaten. 4 " But all in all the man was lord, the woman was servant. The
Kaffir bought women like slaves, as a form of life-income insurance; when
he had a sufficient number of wives he could rest for the remainder of his
days; they would do all the work for him. Some tribes of ancient India
reckoned the women of a family as part of the property inheritance, along
with the domestic animals; 10 nor did the last commandment of Moses dis-
tinguish very clearly in this matter. Throughout negro Africa women
hardly differed from slaves, except that they were expected to provide
sexual as well as economic satisfaction. Marriage began as a form of the
law of property, as a part of the institution of slavery." 1
CHAPTER IV
The Moral Elements of Civilization
SINCE no society can exist without order, and no order without regu-
lation, we may take it as a rule of history that the power of custom
varies inversely as the multiplicity of laws, much as the power of instinct
varies inversely as the multiplicity of thoughts. Some rules are necessary
for the game of life; they may differ in different groups, but within the
group they must be essentially the same. These rules may be conven-
tions, customs, morals, or laws. Conventions are forms of behavior found
expedient by a people; customs are conventions accepted by successive
generations, after natural selection through trial and error and elimination;
morals are such customs as the group considers vital to its welfare and
development. In primitive societies, where there is no written law, these
vital customs or morals regulate every sphere of human existence, and
give stability and continuity to the social order. Through the slow
magic of time such customs, by long repetition, become a second nature
in the individual; if he violates them he feels a certain fear, discomfort or
shame; this is the origin of that conscience, or moral sense, which Darwin
chose as the most impressive distinction between animals and men. 1 In
its higher development conscience is social consciousness the feeling of
the individual that he belongs to a group, and owes it some measure of
loyalty and consideration. Morality is the cooperation of the part with
the whole, and of each group with some larger whole. Civilization, of
course, would be impossible without it.
I. MARRIAGE
The meaning of marriage Its biological origins Sexual com-
munism Trial marriage Group marriage Individual mar-
riage Polygamy Its eugenic value Exogamy Mar-
riage by service By capture By purchase Primi-
tive love The economic function of marriage
The first task of those customs that constitute the moral code of a group
is to regulate the relations of the sexes, for these are a perennial source of
discord, violence, and possible degeneration. The basic form of this
36
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 37
sexual regulation is marriage, which may be defined as the association of
mates for the care of offspring. It is a variable and fluctuating institution,
which has passed through almost every conceivable form and experiment
in the course of its history, from the primitive care of offspring without
the association of mates to the modern association of mates without the
care of offspring.
Our animal forefathers invented it. Some birds seem to live as repro-
ducing mates in a divorceless monogamy. Among gorillas and orang-
utans the association of the parents continues to the end of the breeding
season, and has many human features. Any approach to loose behavior
on the part of the female is severely punished by the male.* The orangs
of Borneo, says De Crespigny, "live in families: the male, the female, and
a young one"; and Dr. Savage reports of the gorillas that "it is not unusual
to see the 'old folks' sitting under a tree regaling themselves with fruit
and friendly chat, while their children are leaping around them and swing-
ing from branch to branch in boisterous merriment." 8 Marriage is older
than man.
Societies without marriage are rare, but the sedulous inquirer can find
enough of them to form a respectable transition from the promiscuity of
the lower mammals to the marriages of primitive men. In Futuna and
Hawaii the majority of the people did not marry at all; 4 the Lubus mated
freely and indiscriminately, and had no conception of marriage; certain
tribes of Borneo lived in marriageless association, freer than the birds; and
among some peoples of primitive Russia "the men utilized the women
without distinction, so that no woman had her appointed husband."
African pygmies have been described as having no marriage institutions,
but as following "their animal instincts wholly without restraint." 5 This
primitive "nationalization of women," corresponding to primitive com-
munism in land and food, passed away at so early a stage that few traces
of it remain* Some memory of it, however, lingered on in divers forms:
in the feeling of many nature peoples that monogamywhich they would
define as the monopoly of a woman by one man is unnatural and immoral; 9
in periodic festivals of license (still surviving faintly in our Mardi Gras),
when sexual restraints were temporarily abandoned; in the demand that
a woman should give herself as at the Temple of Mylitta in Babylon to
any man that solicited her, before she would be allowed to marry;* in
* Cf . below, p. 245.
38 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IV
the custom of wife-lending, so essential to many primitive codes of hos-
pitality; and in the jus prim<e noctis, or right of the first night, by which,
in early feudal Europe, the lord of the manor, perhaps representing the
ancient rights of the tribe, occasionally deflowered the bride before the
bridegroom was allowed to consummate the marriage."*
A variety of tentative unions gradually took the place of indiscriminate
relations. Among the Orang Sakai of Malacca a girl remained for a time
with each man of the tribe, passing from one to another until she had
made the rounds; then she began again. 7 Among the Yakuts of Siberia,
the Botocudos of South Africa, the lower classes of Tibet, and many other
peoples, marriage was quite experimental, and could be ended at the will
of either party, with no reasons given or required. Among the Bushmen
"any disagreement sufficed to end a union, and new connections could
immediately be found for both." Among the Damaras, according to Sir
Francis Galton, "the spouse was changed almost weekly, and I seldom
knew without inquiry who the pro tempore husband of each lady was at
aqy particular time." Among the Baila "women are bandied about from
man to man, and of their own accord leave one husband for another.
Young women scarcely out of their teens often have had four or five
husbands, all still living." 8 The original word for marriage, in Hawaii,
meant to try.* Among the Tahitians, a century ago, unions were free and
dissoluble at will, so long as there were no children; if a child came the
parents might destroy it without social reproach, or the couple might
rear the child and enter into a more permanent relation; the man pledged
his support to the woman in return for the burden of parental care that
she now assumed. 10
Marco Polo writes of a Central Asiatic tribe, inhabiting Peyn (now
Keriya) in the thirteenth century: "If a married man goes to a distance
from home to be absent twenty days, his wife has a right, if she is so
inclined, to take another husband; and the men, on the same principle,
marry wherever they happen to reside." 11 So old are the latest innovations
in marriage and morals.
Letourneau said of marriage that "every possible experiment compatible
with the duration of savage or barbarian societies has been tried, or is still
practised, amongst various races, without the least thought of the moral
ideas generally prevailing in Europe."" In addition to experiments in perma-
nence there were experiments in relationship. In a few cases we find "group
CHAP. IV) MORALELEMENTSOFCIVILIZATION 39
marriage," by which a number of men belonging to one group married
collectively a number of women belonging to another group. 18 In Tibet, for
example, it was the custom for a group of brothers to marry a group of
sisters, and for the two groups to practise sexual communism between them,
each of the men cohabiting with each of the women. 14 Caesar reported a
similar custom in ancient Britain. 18 Survivals of it appear in the "levirate,"
a custom existing among the early Jews and other ancient peoples, by which
a man was obligated to marry his brother's widow; 10 this was the rule that so
irked Onan.
What was it that led men to replace the semi-promiscuity of primitive
society with individual marriage? Since, in a great majority of nature
peoples, there are few, if any, restraints on premarital relations, it is
obvious that physical desire does not give rise to the institution of marriage.
For marriage, with its restrictions and psychological irritations, could not
possibly compete with sexual communism as a mode of satisfying the
erotic propensities of men. Nor could the individual establishment offer
at the outset any mode of rearing children that would be obviously
superior to their rearing by the mother, her family, and the clan. Sonic
powerful economic motives must have favored the evolution of marriage.
In all probability (for again we must remind ourselves how little we really
know of origins) these motives were connected with the rising institution
of property.
Individual marriage came through the desire of the male to have cheap
slaves, and to avoid bequeathing his property to other men's children.
Polygamy, or the marriage of one person to several mates, appears here
and there in the form of polyandry the marriage of one woman to several
men as among the Todas and some tribes of Tibet;" the custom may
still be found where males outnumber females considerably. 18 But this
custom soon falls prey to the conquering male, and polygamy has come to
mean for us, usually, what would more strictly be called polygyny the
possession of several wives by one man. Medieval theologians thought
that Mohammed had invented polygamy, but it antedated Islam by some
years, being the prevailing mode of marriage in the primitive world. 1 *
Many causes conspired to make it general. In early society, because of
hunting and war, the life of the male is more violent and dangerous, and
the death rate of men is higher, than that of women. The consequent
excess of women compels a choice between polygamy and the barren
40 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IV
celibacy of a minority of women; but such celibacy is intolerable to peoples
who require a high birth rate to make up for a high death rate, and who
therefore scorn the mateless and childless woman. Again, men like variety;
as the Negroes of Angola expressed it, they were "not able to eat always
of the same dish." Also, men like youth in their mates, and women age
rapidly in primitive communities. The women themselves often favored
polygamy; it permitted them to nurse their children longer, and therefore
to reduce the frequency of motherhood without interfering with the erotic
and philoprogenitive inclinations of the male. Sometimes the first wife,
burdened with toil, helped her husband to secure an additional wife, so
that her burden might be shared, and additional children might raise the
productive power and the wealth of the family. 80 Children were economic
assets, and men invested in wives in order to draw children from them like
interest. In the patriarchal system wives and children were in effect the
slaves of the man; the more a man had of them, the richer he was. The
poor man practised monogamy, but he looked upon it as a shameful condi-
tion, from which some day he would rise to the respected position of a
polygamous male."
Doubtless polygamy was well adapted to the marital needs of a
primitive society in which women outnumbered men. It had a eu-
genic value superior to that of contemporary monogamy; for whereas
in modern society the most able and prudent men marry latest and have
least children, under polygamy the most able men, presumably, secured
the best? mates and had most children. Hence polygamy has survived
among practically all nature peoples, even among the majority of civil-
ized mankind; only in our day has it begun to die in the Orient. Certain
conditions, however, militated against it. The decrease in danger and vio-
lence, consequent upon a settled agricultural life, brought the sexes towards
an approximate numerical equality; and under these circumstances open
polygamy, even in primitive societies, became the privilege of the pros-
perous minority . M The mass of the people practised a monogamy tempered
with adultery, while another minority, of willing or regretful celibates,
balanced the polygamy of the rich. Jealousy in the male, and possessive-
ness in the female, entered into the situation more effectively as the sexes
approximated in number; for where the strong could not have a multiplic-
ity of wives except by taking the actual or potential wives of other men.
and by (in some cases) offending their own, polygamy became a difficult
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 4!
matter, which only the cleverest could manage. As property accumu-
lated, and men were loath to scatter it in small bequests, it became desir-
able to differentiate wives into "chief wife" and concubines, so that only
the children of the former should share the legacy; this remained the status
of marriage in Asia until our own generation. Gradually the chief wife
became the only wife, the concubines became kept women in secret and
apart, or they disappeared; and as Christianity entered upon the scene,
monogamy, in Europe, took the place of polygamy as the lawful and out-
ward form of sexual association. But monogamy, like letters and the state,
is artificial, and belongs to the history, not to the origins, of civilization.
Whatever form the union might take, marriage was obligatory among
nearly all primitive peoples. The unmarried male had no standing in the
community, or was considered only half a man. 83 Exogamy, too, was com-
pulsory: that is to say, a man was expected to secure his wife from another
clan than his own. Whether this custom arose because the primitive mind
suspected the evil effects of close inbreeding, or because such intergroup
marriages created or cemented useful political alliances, promoted social
organization, and lessened the danger of war, or because the capture of a
wife from another tribe had become a fashionable mark of male maturity,
or because familiarity breeds contempt and distance lends enchantment to
the view we do not know. In any case the restriction was well-nigh uni-
versal in early society; and though it was successfully violated by the
Pharaohs, the Ptolemies and the Incas, who all favored the marriage of
brother and sister, it survived into Roman and modern law and consciously
or unconsciously moulds our behavior to this day.
How did the male secure his wife from another tribe? Where the matri-
archal organization was strong he was often required to go and live with
the clan of the girl whom he sought. As the patriarchal system developed,
the suitor was allowed, after a term of service to the father, to take his
bride back to his own clan; so Jacob served Laban for Leah and Rachel.* 4
Sometimes the suitor shortened the matter with plain, blunt force. It was
an advantage as well as a distinction to have stolen a wife; not only would
she be a cheap slave, but new slaves could be begotten of her, and these
children would chain her to her slavery. Such marriage by capture, though
not the rule, occurred sporadically in the primitive world. Among the
North American Indians the women were included in the spoils of war,
and this happened so frequently that in some tribes the husbands and their
4* THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IV
wives spoke mutually unintelligible languages. The Slavs of Russia and
Serbia practised occasional marriage by capture until the last century.**
Vestiges of it remain in the custom of simulating the capture of the bride
by the groom in certain wedding ceremonies." All in all it was a logical
aspect of the almost incessant war of the tribes, and a logical starting-point
for that eternal war of the sexes whose only truces are brief nocturnes
and dreamless sleep.
As wealth grew it became more convenient to offer the father a sub-
stantial present or a sum of money for his daughter, rather than serve
for her in an alien clan, or risk the violence and feuds that might come of
marriage by capture. Consequently marriage by purchase and parental
arrangement was the rule in early societies. 88 Transition forms occur; the
Melanesians sometimes stole their wives, but made the theft legal by a
later payment to her family. Among some natives of New Guinea the man
abducted the girl, and then, while he and she were in hiding, commissioned
his friends to bargain with her father over a purchase price.* The ease with
which moral indignation in these matters might be financially appeased is
illuminating. A Maori mother, wailing loudly, bitterly cursed the youth
who had eloped with her daughter, until he presented her with a blanket.
"That was all I wanted," she said; "I only wanted to get a blanket, and
therefore made this noise." 80 Usually the bride cost more than a blanket:
among the Hottentots her price was an ox or a cow; among the Croo three
cows and a sheep; among the Kaffirs six to thirty head of cattle, depend-
ing upon the rank of the girl's family; and among the Togos sixteen dollars
cash and six dollars in goods. 31
Marriage by purchase prevails throughout primitive Africa, and is still
a normal institution in China and Japan; it flourished in ancient India and
Judea, and in pre-Columbian Central America and Peru; instances of it occur
in Europe today." It is a natural development of patriarchal institutions;
the father owns the daughter, and may dispose of her, within broad limits,
as he sees fit. The Orinoco Indians expressed the matter by saying that the
suitor should pay the father for rearing the girl for his use." Sometimes
the girl was exhibited to potential suitors in a bride-show; so among the
Somalis the bride, richly caparisoned, was led about on horseback or on
*Briffault thinks that marriage by capture was a transition from matrilocal to patri-
archal marriage: the male, refusing to go and live with the tribe or family of his wife,
forced her to come to his." 8 Lippert believed that exogamy arose as a peaceable substitute
for capture; 15 * theft again graduated into trade.
CHAP. IV) MORALELEMENTSOFCIVILIZAT/ON 43
foot, in an atmosphere heavily perfumed to stir the suitors to a handsome
price. 14 There is no record of women objecting to marriage by purchase;
on the contrary, they took keen pride in the sums paid for them, and scorned
the woman who gave herself in marriage without a price; 15 they believed that
in a "love-match" the villainous male was getting too much for nothing. 18
On the other hand, it was usual for the father to acknowledge the bride-
groom's payment with a return gift which, as time went on, approximated
more and more in value to the sum offered for the bride. 17 Rich fathers,
anxious to smooth the way for their daughters, gradually enlarged these
gifts until the institution of the dowry took form; and the purchase of the
husband by the father replaced, or accompanied, the purchase of the wife
by the suitor. 18
In all these forms and varieties of marriage there is hardly a trace of
romantic love. We find a few cases of love-marriages among the Papuans
of New Guinea; among other primitive peoples we come upon instances
of love (in the sense of mutual devotion rather than mutual need), but
usually these attachments have nothing to do with marriage. In simple days
men married for cheap labor, profitable parentage, and regular meals. "In
Yariba," says Lander, "marriage is celebrated by the natives as uncon-
cernedly as possible; a man thinks as little of taking a wife as of cutting an
ear of corn affection is altogether out of the question." 89 Since premarital
relations are abundant in primitive society, passion is not dammed up by
denial, and seldom affects the choice of a wife. For the same reason the ab-
sence of delay between desire and fulfilment no time is given for that
brooding introversion of frustrated, and therefore idealizing, passion which
is usually the source of youthful romantic love. Such love is reserved for
developed civilizations, in which morals have raised barriers against desire,
and the growth of wealth has enabled some men to afford, and some women
to provide, the luxuries and delicacies of romance; primitive peoples are too
poor to be romantic. One rarely finds love poetry in their songs. When
the missionaries 'translated the Bible into the language of the Algonquins
they could discover no native equivalent for the word love. The Hotten-
tots are described as "cold and indifferent to one another" in marriage.
On the Gold Coast "not even the appearance of affection exists between
husband and wife"; and it is the same in primitive Australia. "I asked
Baba," said Caillie, speaking of a Senegal Negro, "why he did not some-
times make merry with his wives. He replied that if he did he should not
be able to manage them." An Australian native, asked why he wished to
44 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IV
marry, answered honestly that he wanted a wife to secure food, water and
wood for him, and to carry his belongings on the march. 40 The kiss, which
seems so indispensable to America, is quite unknown to primitive peoples,
or known only to be scorned. 41
In general the "savage" takes his sex philosophically, with hardly more
of metaphysical or theological misgiving than the animal; he does not brood
over it, or fly into a passion with it; it is as much a matter of course with
him as his food. He makes no pretense to idealistic motives. Marriage is
never a sacrament with him, and seldom an affair of lavish ceremony; it is
frankly a commercial transaction. It never occurs to him to be ashamed
that he subordinates emotional to practical considerations in choosing his
mate; he would rather be ashamed of the opposite, and would demand
of us, if he were as immodest as we are, some explanation of our custom of
binding a man and a woman together almost for life because sexual desire
has chained them for a moment with its lightning. The primitive male
looked upon marriage in terms not of sexual license but of economic co-
operation. He expected the woman and the woman expected herself to
be not so much gracious and beautiful (though he appreciated these quali-
ties in her) as useful and industrious; she was to be an economic asset rather
than a total loss; otherwise the matter-of-fact "savage" would never have
thought of marriage at all. Marriage was a profitable partnership, not a
private debauch; it was a way whereby a man and a woman, working
together, might be more prosperous than if each worked alone. Wherever,
in the history of civilization, woman has ceased to be an economic asset
in marriage, marriage has decayed; and sometimes civilization has decayed
with it.
II. SEXUAL MORALITY
Premarital relations Prostitution Chastity Virginity The
double standardModesty The relativity of morals The
biological role of modesty Adultery Divorce Abor-
tion Infanticide Childhood The individual
The greatest task of morals is always sexual regulation; for the repro-
ductive instinct creates problems not only within marriage, but before and
after it, and threatens at any moment to disturb social order with its per-
sistence, its intensity, its scorn of law, and its perversions. The first prob-
lem concerns premarital relations shall they be restricted, or free? Even
among animals sex is not quite unrestrained; the rejection of the male by
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 45
the female except in periods of rut reduces sex to a much more modest role
in the animal world than it occupies in our own lecherous species. As
Beaumarchais put it, man differs from the animal in eating without being
hungry, drinking without being thirsty, and making love at all seasons.
Among primitive peoples we find some analogue, or converse, of animal
restrictions, in the tabu placed upon relations with a woman in her men-
strual period. With this general exception premarital intercourse is left for
the most part free in the simplest societies. Among the North American
Indians the young men and women mated freely; and these relations were
not held an impediment to marriage. Among the Papuans of New
Guinea sex life began at an extremely early age, and premarital promiscu-
ity was the rule. 43 Similar premarital liberty obtained among the Soyots of
Siberia, the Igorots of the Philippines, the natives of Upper Burma, the
Kaffirs and Bushmen of Africa, the tribes of the Niger and the Uganda,
of New Georgia, the Murray Islands, the Andaman Islands, Tahiti, Poly-
nesia, Assam, etc. 44
Under such conditions we must not expect to find much prostitution
in primitive society. The "oldest profession" is comparatively young; it
arises only with civilization, with the appearance of property and the dis-
appearance of premarital freedom. Here and there we find girls selling
themselves for a while to raise a dowry, or to provide funds for the tem-
ples; but this occurs only where the local moral code approves of it as a
pious sacrifice to help thrifty parents or hungry gods. 4C
Chastity is a correspondingly late development. What the primitive
maiden dreaded was not the loss of virginity, but a reputation for sterility; 40
premarital pregnancy was, more often than not, an aid rather than a handi-
cap in finding a husband, for it settled all doubts of sterility, and prom-
ised profitable children. The simpler tribes, before the coming of prop-
erty, seem to have held virginity in contempt, as indicating unpopularity.
The Kamchadal bridegroom who found his bride to be a virgin was much
put out, and "roundly abused her mother for the negligent way in which
she had brought up her daughter." 47 In many places virginity was consid-
ered a barrier to marriage, because it laid upon the husband the unpleasant
task of violating the tabu that forbade him to shed the blood of any mem-
ber of his tribe. Sometimes girls offered themselves to a stranger in order
to break this tabu against their marriage. In Tibet mothers anxiously sought
men who would deflower their daughters; in Malabar the girls themselves
begged the services of passers-by to the same end, "for while they were
46 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IV %
virgins they could not find a husband." In some tribes the bride was
obliged to give herself to the wedding guests before going in to her hus-
band; in others the bridegroom hired a man to end the virginity of his
bride; among certain Philippine tribes a special official was appointed, at a
high salary, to perform this function for prospective husbands.**
What was it that changed virginity from a fault into a virtue, and made
it an element in the moral codes of all the higher civilizations? Doubtless
it was the institution of property. Premarital chastity came as an exten-
sion, to the daughters, of the proprietary feeling with which the patri-
archal male looked upon his wife. The valuation of virginity rose when,
' under marriage by purchase, the virgin bride was found to bring a higher
price than her weak sister; the virgin gave promise, by her past, of that
marital fidelity which now seemed so precious to men beset by worry lest
they should leave their property to surreptitious children. 49
The men never thought of applying the same restrictions to themselves;
no society in history has ever insisted on the premarital chastity of the
male; no language has ever had a word for a virgin man. 60 The aura of
virginity was kept exclusively for daughters, and pressed upon them in
a thousands ways. The Tuaregs punished the irregularity of a daughter
or a sister with death; the Negroes of Nubia, Abyssinia, Somaliland, etc.,
practised upon their daughters the cruel art of infibulation i.e., the attach-
ment of a ring or lock to the genitals to prevent copulation; in Burma and
Siam a similar practice survived to our own day. 61 Forms of seclusion arose
by which girls were kept from providing or receiving temptation. In New
Britain the richer parents confined their daughters, through five danger-
ous years, in huts guarded by virtuous old crones; the girls were never
allowed to come out, and only their relatives could see them. Some tribes
in Borneo kept their unmarried girls in solitary confinement. 62 From these
primitive customs to the purdah of the Moslems and the Hindus is but a
step, and indicates again how nearly "civilization" touches "savagery."
Modesty came with virginity and the patriarchate. There are many
tribes which to this day show no shame in exposing the body; 88 " indeed,
some are ashamed to wear clothing. All Africa rocked with laughter
when Livingstone begged his black hosts to put on some clothing before
the arrival of his wife. The Queen of the Balonda was quite naked when
she held court for Livingstone." A small minority of tribes practise sex rela-
tions publicly, without any thought of shame. 64 At first modesty is the
feeling of the woman that she is tabu in her periods. When marriage
CHAP. IV) MORALELEMENTSOFCIVILIZATION 47
by purchase takes form, and virginity in the daughter brings a profit to her
father, seclusion and the compulsion to virginity beget in the girl a sense of
obligation to chastity. Again, modesty is the feeling of the wife who,
under purchase marriage, feels a financial obligation to her husband to re-
frain from such external sexual relations as cannot bring him any recom-
pense. Clothing appears at this point, if motives of adornment and pro-
tection have not already engendered it; in many tribes women wore
clothing only after marriage," as a sign of their exclusive possession by a
husband, and as a deterrent to gallantry; primitive man did not agree with
the author of Penguin Isle that clothing encouraged lechery. Chastity,
however, bears no necessary relation to clothing; some travelers report that
morals in Africa vary inversely as the amount of dress." It is clear that
what men are ashamed of depends entirely upon the local tabus and cus-
toms of their group. Until recently a Chinese woman was ashamed to
show her foot, an Arab woman her face, a Tuareg woman her mouth; but
the women of ancient Egypt, of nineteenth-century India and of twen-
tieth-century Bali (before prurient tourists came) never thought of shame
at the exposure of their breasts.
We must not conclude that morals are worthless because they differ
according to time and place, and that it would be wise to show our his-
toric learning by at once discarding the moral customs of our group. A
little anthropology is a dangerous thing. It is substantially true that as
Anatole France ironically expressed the matter "morality is the sum of
the prejudices of a community" ;" and that, as Anacharsis put it among the
Greeks, if one were to bring together all customs considered sacred by
some group, and were then to take away all customs considered immoral
by some group, nothing would remain. But this does not prove the worth-
lessness of morals; it only shows in what varied ways social order has been
preserved. Social order is none the less necessary; the game must still have
rules in order to be played; men must know what to expect of one another
in the ordinary circumstances of life. Hence the unanimity with which
the members of a society practise its moral code is quite as important as
the contents of that code. Our heroic rejection of the customs and morals
of our tribe, upon our adolescent discovery of their relativity, betrays the
immaturity of our minds; given another decade and we begin to under-
stand that there may be more wisdom in the moral code of the group
the formulated experience of generations of the race than can be explained
in a college course. Sooner or later the disturbing realization comes to us
48 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IV
that even that which we cannot understand may be true. The institu-
tions, conventions, customs and laws that make up the complex structure
of a society are the work of a hundred centuries and a billion minds;
and one mind must not expect to comprehend them in one lifetime, much
less in twenty years. We are warranted in concluding that morals are
relative, and indispensable.
Since old and basic customs represent a natural selection of group
ways after centuries of trial and error, we must expect to find some social
utility, or survival value, in virginity and modesty, despite their historical
relativity, their association with marriage by purchase, and their contribu-
tions to neurosis. Modesty was a strategic retreat which enabled the girl,
where she had any choice, to select her mate more deliberately, or compel
him to show finer qualities before winning her; and the very obstructions
it raised against desire generated those sentiments of romantic love which
heightened her value in his eyes. The inculcation of virginity destroyed
the naturalness and ease of primitive sexual life; but, by discouraging
early sex development and premature motherhood, it lessened the gap
which tends to widen disruptively as civilization develops between eco-
nomic and sexual maturity. Probably it served in this way to strengthen
the individual physically and mentally, to lengthen adolescence and train-
ing, and so to lift the level of the race.
As the institution of property developed, adultery graduated from a
venial into a mortal sin. Half of the primitive peoples known to us attach no
great importance to it. The rise of property not only led to the exaction
of complete fidelity from the woman, but generated in the male a pro-
prietary attitude towards her; even when he lent her to a guest it was
because she belonged to him in body and soul. Suttee was the completion
of this conception; the woman must go down into the master's grave along
with his other belongings. Under the patriarchate adultery was classed
with theft; 59 it was, so to speak, an infringement of patent. Punishment for
it varied through all degrees of severity from the indifference of the simpler
tribes to the disembowelment of adulteresses among certain California
Indians. 60 After centuries of punishment the new virtue of wifely fidelity
was firmly established, and had generated an appropriate conscience in the
feminine heart. Many Indian tribes surprised their conquerors by the un-
approachable virtue of their squaws; and certain male travelers have hoped
that the women of Europe and America might some day equal in marital
faithfulness the wives of the Zulus and the Papuans. 81
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 49
It was easier for the Papuans, since among them, as among most primi-
tive peoples, there were few impediments to the divorce of the woman by
the man. Unions seldom lasted more than a few years among the Amer-
ican Indians. "A large proportion of the old and middle-aged men," says
Schoolcraft, "have had many different wives, and their children, scattered
around the country, are unknown to them." 08 They "laugh at Europeans
for having only one wife, and that for life; they consider that the Good
Spirit formed them to be happy, and not to continue together unless
their tempers and dispositions were congenial."" The Cherokees changed
wives three or four times a year; the conservative Samoans kept them as
long as three years. 64 With the coming of a settled agricultural life,
unions became more permanent. Under the patriarchal system the man
found it uneconomical to divorce a wife, for this meant, in effect, to lose
a profitable slave." As the family became the productive unit of society,
tilling the soil together, it prosperedother things equal according to its
size and cohesion; it was found to some advantage that the union of the
mates should continue until the last child was reared. By that time no
energy remained for a new romance, and the lives of the parents had been
forged into one by common work and trials. Only with the passage to
urban industry, and the consequent reduction of the family in size and
economic importance, has divorce become widespread again.
In general, throughout history, men have wanted many children, and
therefore have called motherhood sacred; while women, who know more
about reproduction, have secretly rebelled against this heavy assignment,
and have used an endless variety of means to reduce the burdens of ma-
ternity. Primitive men do not usually care to restrict population; under
normal conditions children are profitable, and the male regrets only that they
cannot all be sons. It is the woman who invents abortion, infanticide and
contraception for even the last occurs, sporadically, among primitive peo-
ples." It is astonishing to find how similar are the motives of the "savage"
to the "civilized" woman in preventing birth: to escape the burden of
rearing offspring, to preserve a youthful figure, to avert the disgrace of
extramarital motherhood, to avoid death, etc. The simplest means of re-
ducing maternity was the refusal of the man by the woman during the
period of nursing, which might be prolonged for many years. Sometimes,
as among the Cheyenne Indians, the women developed the custom of
refusing to bear a second child until the first was ten years old. In New
Britain the women had no children till two or four years after marriage.
5O THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IV
The Guaycurus of Brazil were constantly diminishing because the women
would bear no children till the age of thirty. Among the Papuans abortion
was frequent; "children are burdensome," said the women; "we are weary
of them; we go dead." Some Maori tribes used herbs or induced artificial
malposition of the uterus, to prevent conception 67
When abortion failed, infanticide remained. Most nature peoples per-
mitted the killing of the newborn child if it was deformed, or diseased,
or a bastard, or if its mother had died in giving it birth. As if any reason
would be good in the task of limiting population to the available means of
subsistence, many tribes killed infants whom they considered to have been
born under unlucky circumstances: so the Bondei natives strangled all
children who entered the world headfirst; the Kamchadals killed babes
born in stormy weather; Madagascar tribes exposed, drowned, or buried
alive children who made their debut in March or April, or on a Wednes-
day or a Friday, or in the last week of the month. If a woman gave birth
to twins it was, in some tribes, held proof of adultery, since no man could
be the father of two children at the same time; and therefore one or both
of the children suffered death. The practice of infanticide was particularly
prevalent among nomads, who found children a problem on their long
marches. The Bangerang tribe of Victoria killed half their children at
birth; the Lenguas of the Paraguayan Chaco allowed only one child per
family per seven years to survive; the Abipones achieved a French econ-
omy in population by rearing a boy and a girl in each household, killing
off other offspring as fast as they appeared. Where famine conditions
existed or threatened, most tribes strangled the newborn, and some tribes
ate them. Usually it was the girl that was most subject to infanticide; occa-
sionally she was tortured to death with a view to inducing the soul to
appear, in its next incarnation, in the form of a boy." Infanticide was prac-
tised without cruelty and without remorse; for in the first moments after
delivery, apparently, the mother felt no instinctive love for the child.
Oijce the child had been permitted to live a few days, it was safe
against infanticide; soon parental love was evoked by its helpless sim-
plicity, and in most cases it was treated more affectionately by its primi-
tive parents than the average child of the higher races. 6 * For lack of milk
or soft food the mother nursed the child from two to four years, sometimes
for twelve; 1 * one traveler describes a boy who had learned to smoke before
he was weaned;" and often a youngster running about with other children
would interrupt his play or his work to go and be nursed by his
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 51
mother." The Negro mother at work carried her infant on her back, and
sometimes fed it by slinging her breasts over her shoulder. 71 Primitive dis-
cipline was indulgent but not ruinous; at an early age the child was left to
face for itself the consequences of its stupidity, its insolence, or its pug-
nacity; and learning went on apace. Filial, as well as parental, love was
highly developed in natural society. 74
Dangers and disease were frequent in primitive childhood, and mortal-
ity was high. Youth was brief, for at an early age marital and martial re-
sponsibility began, and soon the individual was lost in the heavy tasks of
replenishing and defending the group. The women were consumed in car-
ing for children, the men in providing for them. When the youngest child
had been reared the parents were worn out; as little space remained for
individual life at the end as at the beginning. Individualism, like liberty,
is a luxury of civilization. Only with the dawn of history were a suffi-
cient number of men and women freed from the burdens of hunger,
reproduction and war to create the intangible values of leisure, culture
and art.
III. SOCIAL MORALITY
The nature of virtue and vice Greed Dishonesty Violence-
Homicide Suicide The socialization of the individual
Altruism Hospitality Manners Tribal limits of ?noral-
ity Primitive vs. modern morals Religion and morals
Part of the function of parentage is the transmission of a moral code.b
For the child is more animal than human; it has humanity thrust upon itt
day by day as it receives the moral and mental heritage of the race. Bio-
logically it is badly equipped for civilization, since its instincts provide
only for traditional and basic situations, and include impulses more adapted
to the jungle than to the town. Every vice was once a virtue, necessary in
the struggle for existence; it became a vice only when it survived the condi-
tions that made it indispensable; a vice, therefore, is not an advanced form
of behavior, but usually an atavistic throwback to ancient and superseded
ways. It is one purpose of a moral code to adjust the unchanged or slowly
changing impulses of human nature to the changing needs and circum-
stances of social life.
Greed, acquisitiveness, dishonesty, cruelty and violence were for so
many generations useful to animals and men that not all our laws, our
52 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IV
education, our morals and our religions can quite stamp them out; some
of them, doubtless, have a certain survival value even today. The animal
gorges himself because he does not know when he may find food again;
this uncertainty is the origin of greed. The Yakuts have been known to
eat forty pounds of meat in one day; and similar stories, only less heroic,
are told of the Eskimos and the natives of Australia. 75 Economic security
is too recent an achievement of civilization to have eliminated this natural
greed; it still appears in the insatiable acquisitiveness whereby the fretful
modern man or woman stores up gold, or other goods, that may in emer-
gency be turned into food. Greed for drink is not as widespread as greed
for food, for most human aggregations have centered around some water
supply. Nevertheless, the drinking of intoxicants is almost universal; not
so much because men are greedy as because they are cold and wish to be
warmed, or unhappy and wish to forget or simply because the water
available to them is not fit to drink.
Dishonesty is not so ancient as greed, for hunger is older than property.
The simplest "savages" seem to be the most honest. 70 "Their word is
sacred," said Kolben of the Hottentots; they know "nothing of the cor-
ruptness and faithless arts of Europe." 77 As international communica-
tions improved, this naive honesty disappeared; Europe has taught the
gentle art to the Hottentots. In general, dishonesty rises with civilization,
because under civilization the stakes of diplomacy are larger, there are
more things to be stolen, and education makes men clever. When prop-
erty develops among primitive men, lying and stealing come in its train. 78
Crimes of violence are as old as greed; the struggle for food, land and
mates has in every generation fed the earth with blood, .and has offered
a dark background for the fitful light of civilization. Primitive man was
cruel because he had to be; life taught him that he must have an arm
always ready to strike, and a heart apt for "natural killing." The blackest
page in anthropology is the story of primitive torture, and of the joy that
many primitive men and women seem to have taken in the infliction of
pain. 7 * Much of this cruelty was associated with war; within the tribe
manners were less ferocious, and primitive men treated one another and
even their slaves with a quite civilized kindliness. 80 But since men had to
kill vigorously in war, they learned to kill also in time of peace; for to
many a primitive mind no argument is settled until one of the disputants
is dead. Among many tribes murder, even of another member of the same
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 53
clan, aroused far less horror than it used to do with us. The Fuegians pun-
ished a murderer merely by exiling him until his fellows had forgotten
his crime. The Kaffirs considered a murderer unclean, and required that
he should blacken his face with charcoal; but after a while, if he washed
himself, rinsed his mouth, and dyed himself brown, he was received into
society again. The savages of Futuna, like our own, looked upon a mur-
derer as a hero. 81 In several tribes no woman would marry a man who had
not killed some one, in fair fight or foul; hence the practice of head-
hunting, which survives in the Philippines today. The Dyak who brought
back most heads from such a man-hunt had the choice of all the girls in
his village; these were eager for his favors, feeling that through him they
might become the mothers of brave and potent men.* 82
Where food is dear life is cheap. Eskimo sons must kill their parents
when these have become so old as to be helpless and useless; failure to
kill them in such cases would be considered a breach of filial duty. 83 Even
his own life seems cheap to primitive man, for he kills himself with a readi-
ness rivaled only by the Japanese. If an offended person commits suicide,
or mutilates himself, the offender must imitate him or become a pariah; 84 so
old is hara-kiri. Any reason may suffice for suicide: some Indian women
of North America killed themselves because their men had assumed the
privilege of scolding them; and a young Trobriand Islander committed
suicide because his wife had smoked all his tobacco. 85
To transmute greed into thrift, violence into argument, murder into
litigation, and suicide into philosophy has been part of the task of civili-
zation. It was a great advance when the strong consented to eat the weak
by due process of law. No society can survive if it allows its members to
behave toward one another in the same way in which it encourages them
to behave as a group toward other groups; internal cooperation is the first
law of external competition. The struggle for existence is not ended by
mutual aid, it is incorporated, or transferred to the group. Other things
equal, the ability to compete with rival groups will be proportionate to
the ability of the individual members and families to combine with one
another. Hence every society inculcates a moral code, and builds up in the
heart of the individual, as its secret allies and aides, social dispositions that
mitigate the natural war of life; it encourages by calling them virtues
* This is half the theme of Synge's drama, The Playboy of the Western World.
54 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IV
those qualities or habits in the individual which redound to the advantage
of the group, and discourages contrary qualities by calling them vices.
In this way the individual is in some outward measure socialized, and the
animal becomes a citizen.
It was hardly more difficult to generate social sentiments in the soul of
the "savage" than it is to raise them now in the heart of modern man. The
struggle for life encouraged communalism, but the struggle for property
intensifies individualism. Primitive man was perhaps readier than con-
temporary man to cooperate with his fellows; social solidarity came more
easily to him since he had more perils and interests in common with his
group, and less possessions to separate him from the rest. 88 The natural man
was violent and greedy; but he was also kindly and generous, ready to share
even with strangers, and to make presents to his guests." 7 Every schoolboy
knows that primitive hospitality, in many tribes, went to the extent of
offering to the traveler the wife or daughter of the host." To decline such
an offer was a serious offense, not only to the host but to the woman; these
are among the perils faced by missionaries. Often the later treatment of the
guest was determined by the manner in which he had acquitted himself of
these responsibilities. 8 * Uncivilized man appears to have felt proprietary, but
not sexual, jealousy; it did not disturb him that his wife had "known" men
before marrying him, or now slept with his guest; but as her owner, rather
than her lover, he would have been incensed to find her cohabiting with an-
other man without his consent. Some African husbands lent their wives to
strangers for a consideration. 80
The rules of courtesy were as complex in most simple peoples as in ad-
vanced nations.* 1 Each group had formal modes of salutation and farewell.
Two individuals, on meeting, rubbed noses, or smelled each other, or gently
bit each other;* 8 as we have seen, they never kissed. Some crude tribes were
more polite than the modern average; the Dyak head-hunters, we are told,
were "gentle and peaceful" in their home life, and the Indians of Central
America considered the loud talking and brusque behavior of the white man
as signs of poor breeding and a primitive culture.* 8
Almost all groups agree in holding other groups to be inferior to them-
selves. The American Indians looked upon themselves as the chosen people,
specially created by the Great Spirit as an uplifting example for mankind.
One Indian tribe called itself "The Only Men"; another called itself "Men
of Men"; the Caribs said, "We alone are people." The Eskimos believed that
the Europeans had come to Greenland to learn manners and virtues.* 4
Consequently it seldom occurred to primitive man to extend to other tribes
the moral restraints which he acknowledged in dealing with his own; he
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 55
frankly conceived it to be the function of morals to give strength and co-
herence to his group against other groups. Commandments and tabus ap-
plied only to the people of his tribe; with others, except when they were his
guests, he might go as far as he dared. 96
Moral progress in history lies not so much in the improvement of the
moral code as in the enlargement of the area within which it is applied.
The morals of modern man are not unquestionably superior to those of
primitive man, though the two groups of codes may differ considerably in
content, practice and profession; but modern morals are, in normal times,
extended though with decreasing intensity to a greater number of people
than before.* As tribes were gathered up into those larger units called
states, morality overflowed its tribal bounds; and as communication or a
common danger united and assimilated states, morals seeped through fron-
tiers, and some men began to apply their commandments to all Europeans,
to all whites, at last to all men. Perhaps there have always been idealists
who wished to love all men as their neighbors, and perhaps in every gen-
eration they have been futile voices crying in a wilderness of nationalism
and war. But probably the number even the relative number of such men
has increased. There are no morals in diplomacy, and la politique ri*a pas
(Fentrailles; but there are morals in international trade, merely because such
trade cannot go on without some degree of restraint, regulation, and con-
fidence. Trade began in piracy; it culminates in morality.
Few societies have been content to rest their moral codes upon so
frankly rational a basis as economic and political utility. For the individ-
ual is not endowed by nature with any disposition to subordinate his per-
sonal interests to those of the group, or to obey irksome regulations
for which there are no visible means of enforcement. To provide, so
to speak, an invisible watchman, to strengthen the social impulses against
the individualistic by powerful hopes and fears, societies have not in-
vented but made use of, religion. The ancient geographer Strabo expressed
the most advanced views on this subject nineteen hundred years ago:
For in dealing with a crowd of women, at least, or with any
promiscuous mob, a philosopher cannot influence them by reason
or exhort them to reverence, piety and faith; nay, there is need of
religious fear also, and this cannot be aroused without myths and
marvels. For thunderbolt, aegis, trident, torches, snakes, thyrsus-
* However, the range within which the moral code is applied has narrowed since the
Middle Ages, as the result of the rise of nationalism.
56 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IV
lances-arms of the gods are myths, and so is the entire ancient
theology. But the founders of states gave their sanction to these
things as bugbears wherewith to scare the simple-minded. Now
since this is the nature of mythology, and since it has come to have
its place in the social and civil scheme of life as well as in the his-
tory of actual facts, the ancients clung to their system of education
for children and applied it up to the age of maturity; and by means
of poetry they believed that they could satisfactorily discipline
every period of life. But now, after a long time, the writing of
history and the present-day philosophy have come to the front.
Philosophy, however, is for the few, whereas poetry is more useful
to the people at large. 08
Morals, then, are soon endowed with religious sanctions, because mys-
tery and supernaturalism lend a weight which can never attach to things
empirically known and genetically understood; men are more easily ruled
by imagination than by science. But was this moral utility the source or
origin of religion?
IV. RELIGION
Primitive atheists
If we define religion as the worship of supernatural forces, we must
observe at the outset that some peoples have apparently no religion at all.
Certain Pygmy tribes of Africa had no observable cult or rites; they had
no totem, no fetishes, and no gods; they buried their dead without cere-
mony, and seem to have paid no further attention to them; they lacked
even superstitions, if we may believe otherwise incredible travelers. 9 " 8 The
dwarfs of the Cameroon recognized only malevolent deities, and did noth-
ing to placate them, on the ground that it was useless to try. The Ved-
dahs of Ceylon went no further than to admit the possibility of gods and
immortal souls; but they offered no prayers or sacrifices. Asked about
God they answered, as puzzled as the latest philosopher: "Is he on a rock?
On a white-ant hill? On a tree? I never saw a god! " WIb The North Amer-
ican Indians conceived a god, but did not worship him; like Epicurus they
thought him too remote to be concerned in their affairs. 980 An Abipone
Indian rebuffed a metaphysical inquirer in a manner quite Confucian: "Our
grandfathers and our great-grandfathers were wont to contemplate the
earth alone, solicitous only to see whether the plain afford grass and water
CHAP. IV) MORALELEMENTSOFCIVILIZATION 57
for their horses. They never troubled themselves about what went on in
the heavens, and who was the creator and governor of the stars." The
Eskimos, when asked who had made the heavens and the earth, always
replied, "We do not know." f>fld A Zulu was asked: "When you see the sun
rising and setting, and the trees growing, do you know who made them
and governs them?" He answered, simply: "No, we see them, but cannot
tell how they came; we suppose that they came by themselves." 988
Such cases are exceptional, and the old belief that religion is universal
is substantially correct. To the philosopher this is one of the outstanding
facts of history and psychology; he is not content to know that all re-
ligions contain much nonsense, but rather he is fascinated by the problem
of the antiquity and persistence of belief. What are the sources of the
indestructible piety of mankind?
1. The Sources of Religion
Fear Wonder Dreams The soul Animism
Fear, as Lucretius said, was the first mother of the gods. Fear, above
all, of death. Primitive life was beset with a thousand dangers, and seldom
ended with natural decay; long before old age could come, violence or
some strange disease carried off the great majority of men. Hence early
man did not believe that death was ever natural; 07 he attributed it to the
operation of supernatural agencies. In the mythology of the natives of
New Britain death came to men by an error of the gods. The good god
Kambinana told his foolish brother Korvouva, "Go down to men and
tell them to cast their skins; so shall they avoid death. But tell the serpents
that they must henceforth die." Korvouva mixed the messages; he delivered
the secret of immortality to the snakes, and the doom of death to men. 98
Many tribes thought that death was due to the shrinkage of the skin, and
that man would be immortal if only he could moult. 88
Fear of death, wonder at the causes of chance events or unintelligible
happenings, hope for divine aid and gratitude for good fortune, cooper-
ated to generate religious belief. Wonder and mystery adhered particularly
to sex and dreams, and the mysterious influence of heavenly bodies upon
the earth and man. Primitive man marveled at the phantoms that he
saw in sleep, and was struck with terror when he beheld, in his dreams,
the figures of those whom he knew to be dead. He buried his dead in the
58 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IV
earth to prevent their return; he buried victuals and goods with the corpse
lest it should come back to curse him; sometimes he left to the dead the
house in which death had come, while he himself moved on to another
shelter; in some places he carried the body out of the house not through
a door but through a hole in the wall, and bore it rapidly three times
around the dwelling, so that the spirit might forget the entrance and
never haunt the home."
Such experiences convinced early man that every living thing had a
soul, or secret life, within it, which could be separated from the body
in illness, sleep or death. "Let no one wake a man brusquely," said one
of the Upanishads of ancient India, "for it is a matter difficult of cure if
the soul find not its way back to him."" 1 Not man alone but all things had
souls; the external world was not insensitive or dead, it was intensely
alive; 101 if this were not so, thought primitive philosophy, nature would be
full of inexplicable occurrences, like the motion of the sun, or the death-
dealing lightning, or the whispering of the trees. The personal way of
conceiving objects and events preceded the impersonal or abstract; religion
preceded philosophy. Such animism is the poetry of religion, and the
religion of poetry. We may see it at its lowest in the wonder-struck eyes
of a dog that watches a paper blown before him by the wind, and perhaps
believes that a spirit moves the paper from within; and we find the same
feeling at its highest in the language of the poet. To the primitive mind
and to the poet in all ages mountains, rivers, rocks, trees, stars, sun, moon
and sky are sacramentally holy things, because they are the outward and
visible signs of inward and invisible souls. To the early Greeks the sky
was the god Ouranos, the moon was Selene, the earth was Gaea, the sea was
Poseidon, and everywhere in the woods was Pan. To the ancient Germans
the forest primeval was peopled with genii, elves, trolls, giants, dwarfs
and fairies; these sylvan creatures survive in the music of Wagner and the
poetic dramas of Ibsen. The simpler peasants of Ireland still believe in
fairies, and no poet or playwright can belong to the Irish literary revival
unless he employs them. There is wisdom as well as beauty in this animism;
it is good and nourishing to treat all things as alive. To the sensitive spirit,
says the most sensitive of contemporary writers,
Nature begins to present herself as a vast congeries of separate
living entities, some visible, some invisible, but all possessed of
CHAP. IV ) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 59
mind-stuff, all possessed of matter-stuff, and all blending mind and
matter together in the basic mystery of being. . . . The world is full
of gods! From every planet and from every stone there emanates
a presence that disturbs us with a sense of the multitudinousness
of god-like powers, strong and feeble, great and little, moving be-
tween heaven and earth upon their secret purposes. 10 *
2. The Objects of Religion
The sunThe stars The earth Sex Animals Totemism The
transition to human gods Ghost-worship Ancestor-worship
Since all things have souls, or contain hidden gods, the objects of re-
ligious worship are numberless. They fall into six classes: celestial, ter-
restrial, sexual, animal, human, and divine. Of course we shall never know
which of our universe of objects was worshiped first. One of the first was
probably the moon. Just as our own folk-lore speaks of the "man in the
moon," so primitive legend conceived the moon as a bold male who caused
women to menstruate by seducing them. He was a favorite god with
women, who worshiped him as their protecting deity. The pale orb was
also the measure of time; it was believed to control the weather, and to
make both rain and snow; even the frogs prayed to it for rain. 104
We do not know when the sun replaced the moon as the lord of the
sky in primitive religion. Perhaps it was when vegetation replaced hunt-
ing, and the transit of the sun determined the seasons of sowing and reaping,
and its heat was recognized as the main cause of the bounty of the soil.
Then the earth became a goddess fertilized by the hot rays, and men wor-
shiped the great orb as the father of all things living. 108 From this simple
beginning sun-worship passed down into the pagan faiths of antiquity,
and many a later god was only a personification of the sun. Anaxagoras
was exiled by the learned Greeks because he ventured the guess that the
sun was not a god, but merely a ball of fire, about the size of the Pelo-
ponnesus. The Middle Ages kept a relic of sun-worship in the halo
pictured around the heads of saints, 10 * and in our own day the Emperor of
Japan is regarded by most of his people as an incarnation of the sun-
god. 107 There is hardly any superstition so old but it can be found flourish-
ing somewhere today. Civilization is the precarious labor and luxury of
a minority; the basic masses of mankind hardly change from millennium
to millennium.
60 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IV
Like the sun and the moon, every star contained or was a god, and
moved at the command of its indwelling spirit. Under Christianity these
spirits became guiding angels, star-pilots, so to speak; and Kepler was not
too scientific to believe in them. The sky itself was a great god, wor-
shiped devotedly as giver and withholder of rain. Among many primitive
peoples the word for god meant sky; among the Lubari and the Dinkas
it meant rain. Among the Mongols the supreme god was Tengri the sky;
in China it was Tz the sky; in Vedic India it was Dyaus pitarthe "father
sky"; among the Greeks it was Zeus the sky, the "cloud-compeller";
among the Persians it was Ahura the "azure sky"; 108 and among ourselves
men still ask "Heaven" to protect them. The central point in most primi-
tive mythology is the fertile mating of earth and sky.
For the earth, too, was a god, and every main aspect of it was presided
over by some deity. Trees had souls quite as much as men, and it was
plain murder to cut them down; the North American Indians sometimes
attributed their defeat and decay to the fact that the whites had leveled
the trees whose spirits had protected the Red Men. In the Molucca Islands
blossoming trees were treated as pregnant; no noise, fire, or other disturb-
ance was permitted to mar their peace; else, like a frightened woman, they
might drop their fruit before time. In Amboyna no loud sounds were
allowed near the rice in bloom lest it should abort into straw. 109 The
ancient Gauls worshiped the trees of certain sacred forests; and the Druid
priests of England reverenced as holy that mistletoe of the oak which still
suggests a pleasant ritual. The veneration of trees, springs, rivers and
mountains is the oldest traceable religion of Asia. 110 Many mountains were
holy places, homes of thundering gods. Earthquakes were the shoulder-
shrugging of irked or irate deities: the Fijians ascribed such agitations to
the earth-god's turning over in his sleep; and the Samoans, when the soil
trembled, gnawed the ground and prayed to the god Mafuie to stop, lest
he should shake the planet to pieces. 111 Almost everywhere the earth was
the Great Mother; our language, which is often the precipitate of primi-
tive or unconscious beliefs, suggests to this day a kinship between matter
(materia) and mother (mater). Ishtar and Cybele, Demeter and Ceres,
Aphrodite and Venus and Freya these are comparatively late forms of
the ancient goddesses of the earth, whose fertility constituted the bounty
of the fields; their birth and marriage, their death and triumphant resurrec-
tion were conceived as the symbols or causes of the sprouting, the decay,
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 6l
and the vernal renewal of all vegetation. These deities reveal by their
gender the primitive association of agriculture with woman. When agri-
culture became the dominant mode of human life, the vegetation goddesses
reigned supreme. Most early gods were of the gentler sex; they were
superseded by male deities presumably as a heavenly reflex of the vic-
torious patriarchal family .""
Just as the profound poetry of the primitive mind sees a secret divinity
in the growth of a tree, so it sees a supernatural agency in the conception
or birth of a child. The "savage" does not know anything about the ovum
or the sperm; he sees only the external structures involved, and deifies them;
they, too, have spirits in them, and must be worshiped, for are not these
mysteriously creative powers the most marvelous of all? In them, even
more than in the soil, the miracle of fertility and growth appears; there-
fore they must be the most direct embodiments of the divine potency.
Nearly all ancient peoples worshiped sex in some form and ritual, and not
the lowest people but the highest expressed their worship most com-
pletely; we shall find such worship in Egypt and India, Babylonia and
Assyria, Greece and Rome. The sexual character and functions of primi-
tive deities were held in high regard, 114 not through any obscenity of mind,
but through a passion for fertility in women and in the earth. Certain
animals, like the bull and the snake, were worshiped as apparently possess-
ing or symbolizing in a high degree the divine power of reproduction.
The snake in the story of Eden is doubtless a phallic symbol, representing
sex as the origin of evil, suggesting sexual awakening as the beginning of
the knowledge of good and evil, and perhaps insinuating a certain pro-
verbial connection between mental innocence and bliss.*
There is hardly an animal in nature, from the Egyptian scarab to the j
Hindu elephant, that has not somewhere been worshiped as a god. The j
Ojibwa Indians gave the name of totein to their special sacred animal, to
the clan that worshiped it, and to any member of the clan; and this con-
fused word has stumbled into anthropology as totemism, denoting vaguely
any worship of a particular object usually an animal or a plant as
especially sacred to a group. Varieties of totemism have been found
scattered over apparently unconnected regions of the earth, from the
Indian tribes of North America to the natives of Africa, the Dravidians
* Cf . Chap, xii, vi below.
62 THESTORYOFCIVILIZATION (CHAP. IV
of India, and the tribes of Australia/ 1 * The totem as a religious object
helped to unify the tribe, whose members thought themselves bound up
with it or descended from it; the Iroquois, in semi-Darwinian fashion,
believed that they were sprung from the primeval mating of women with
bears, wolves and deer. The totem as object or as symbol became a
useful sign of relationship and distinction for primitive peoples, and lapsed,
in the course of secularization, into a mascot or emblem, like the lion or
eagle of nations, the elk or moose of our fraternal orders, and those dumb
animals that are used to represent the elephantine immobility and mulish
obstreperousness of our political parties. The dove, the fish and the lamb,
in the symbolism of nascent Christianity, were relics of totemic adoration;
even the lowly pig was once a totem of prehistoric Jews. 116 In most cases
the totem animal was tabu i.e., forbidden, not to be touched; under cer-
tain circumstances it might be eaten, but only as a religious act, amounting
to the ritual eating of the god.* The Gallas of Abyssinia ate in solemn
ceremony the fish that they worshiped, and said, "We feel the spirit
moving within us as we eat." The good missionaries who preached the
Gospel to the Gallas were shocked to find among these simple folk a ritual
so strangely similar to the central ceremony of the Mass. 111
Probably fear was the origin of totemism, as of so many cults; men
prayed to animals because the animals were powerful, and had to be
appeased. As hunting cleared the woods of the beasts, and gave way to
the comparative security of agricultural life, the worship of animals de-
clined, though it never quite disappeared; and the ferocity of the first
human gods was probably carried over from the animal deities whom
they replaced. The transition is visible in those famous stories of meta-
morphoses, or changes of form, that are found in the Ovids of all languages,
and tell how gods had been, or had become, animals. Later the animal
qualities adhered to them obstinately, as the odor of the stable might loyally
attend some rural Casanova; even in the complex mind of Homer glaucopis
Athene had the eyes of an owl, and Here boopis had the eyes of a cow.
Egyptian and Babylonian gods or ogres with the face of a human being
* Freud, with characteristic imaginativeness, believes that the totem was a transfigured
symbol of the father, revered and hated for his omnipotence, and rebelliously murdered
and eaten by his sons. m Durkheim thought that the totem was a symbol of the clan,
revered and hated (hence held "sacred" and "unclean") by the individual for its omnipo-
tence and irksome dictatorship; and that the religious attitude was originally the feeling
of the individual toward the authoritarian group. 1 "
CHAP.IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 63
and the body of a beast reveal the same transition and make the same
confessionthat many human gods were once animal deities. 1 *
Most human gods, however, seem to have been, in the beginning, merely
idealized dead men. The appearance of the dead in dreams was enough to
establish the worship of the dead, for worship, if not the child, is at least
the brother, of fear. Men who had been powerful during life, and there-
fore had been feared, were especially likely to be worshiped after their
death. 1 * 1 Among several primitive peoples the word for god actually meant
"a dead man"; even today the English word spirit and the German word
Geist mean both ghost and soul. The Greeks invoked their dead precisely
as the Christians were to invoke the saints. 183 So strong was the belief-
first generated in dreams in the continued life of the dead, that primitive
men sometimes sent messages to them in the most literal way; in one tribe
the chief, to convey such a letter, recited it verbally to a slave, and then
cut off his head for special delivery; if the chief forgot something he sent
another decapitated slave as a postscript. 133
Gradually the cult of the ghost became the worship of ancestors. All
the dead were feared, and had to be propitiated, lest they should curse and
blight the lives of the living. This ancestor-worship was so well adapted
to promote social authority and continuity, conservatism and order, that
it soon spread to every region of the earth. It flourished in Egypt, Greece
and Rome, and survives vigorously in China and Japan today; many peoples
worship ancestors but no god. 124 * The institution held the family power-
fully together despite the hostility of successive generations, and provided
an invisible structure for many early societies. And just as compulsion
grew into conscience, so fear graduated into love; the ritual of ancestor-
worship, probably generated by terror, later aroused the sentiment of awe,
and finally developed piety and devotion. It is the tendency of gods to
begin as ogres and to end as loving fathers; the idol passes into an ideal
as the growing security, peacefulness and moral sense of the worshipers
pacify and transform the features of their once ferocious deities. The slow
progress of civilization is reflected in the tardy amiability of the gods.
The idea of a human god was a late step in a long development; it was
slowly differentiated, through many stages, out of the conception of an
ocean or multitude of spirits and ghosts surrounding and inhabiting every-
* Relics of ancestor-worship may be found among ourselves in our care and visitation
of graves, and our masses and prayers for the dead.
64 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IV
thing. From the fear and worship of vague and formless spirits men seem
to have passed to adoration of celestial, vegetative and sexual powers, then
to reverence for animals, and worship of ancestors. The notion of God
as Father was probably derived from ancestor-worship; it meant originally
that men had been physically begotten by the gods. 1 * In primitive theology
there is no sharp or generic distinction between gods and men; to the
early Greeks, for example, their gods were ancestors, and their ancestors
were gods. A further development came when, out of the medley of
ancestors, certain men and women who had been especially distinguished
were singled out for clearer deification; so the greater kings became gods,
sometimes even before their death. But with this development we reach
the historic civilizations.
3. The Methods of Religion
MagicVegetation rites Festivals of licenseMyths of the
resurrected god Magic and superstition Magic and
science Priests
Having conceived a world of spirits, whose nature and intent were
unknown to him, primitive man sought to propitiate them and to enlist
them in his aid. Hence to animism, which is the essence of primitive re-
ligion, was added magic, which is the soul of primitive ritual. The Poly-
nesians recognized a very ocean of magic power, which they called mana;
the magician, they thought, merely tapped this infinite supply of miraculous
capacity. The methods by which the spirits, and later the gods, were sub-
orned to human purposes were for the most part "sympathetic magic" a
desired action was suggested to the deities by a partial or imitative perform-
ance of the action by men. To make rain fall some primitive magicians
poured water out upon the ground, preferably from a tree. The Kaffirs,
threatened by drought, asked a missionary to go into the fields with an
opened umbrella." 8 In Sumatra a barren woman made an image of a child
and held it in her lap, hoping thereby to become pregnant. In the Babar
Archipelago the would-be mother fashioned a doll out of red cotton, pre-
tended to suckle it, and repeated a magic formula; then she sent word through
the village that she was pregnant, and her friends came to congratulate her;
only a very obstinate reality could refuse to emulate this imagination.
Among the Dyaks of Borneo the magician, to ease the pains of a woman
about to deliver, would go through the contortions of childbirth himself,
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 65
as a magic suggestion to the foetus to come forth; sometimes the magician
slowly rolled a stone down his belly and dropped it to the ground, in the
hope that the backward child would imitate it. In the Middle Ages a
spell was cast upon an enemy by sticking pins into a waxen image of
hirti; m the Peruvian Indians burned people in effigy, and called it burning
the soul." 8 Even the modern mob is not above such primitive magic.
These methods of suggestion by example were applied especially to the
fertilization of the soil. Zulu medicine-men fried the genitals of a man
who had died in full vigor, ground the mixture into a powder, and strewed
it over the fields." 9 Some peoples chose a King and Queen of the May,
or a Whitsun bridegroom and bride, and married them publicly, so that
the soil might take heed and flower forth. In certain localities the rite
included the public consummation of the marriage, so that Nature, though
she might be nothing but a dull clod, would have no excuse for misunder-
standing her duty. In Java the peasants and their wives, to ensure the
fertility of the rice-fields, mated in the midst of them. 130 For primitive
men did not conceive the growth of the soil in terms of nitrogen; they
thought of it apparently without knowing of sex in plants in the same
terms as those whereby they interpreted the fruitfulness of woman; our
very terms recall their poetic faith.
Festivals of promiscuity, coming in nearly all cases at the season of
sowing, served partly as a moratorium on morals (recalling the compara-
tive freedom of sex relations in earlier days), partly as a means of fertilizing
the wives of sterile men, and partly as a ceremony of suggestion to the
earth in spring to abandon her wintry reserve, accept the proffered seed,
and prepare to deliver herself of a generous litter of food. Such festivals
appear among a great number of nature peoples, but particularly among
the Cameroons of the Congo, the Kaffirs, the Hottentots and the Bantus.
"Their harvest festivals," says the Reverend H. Rowley of the Bantus,
are akin in character to the feasts of Bacchus. ... It is impossible
to witness them without being ashamed. . . . Not only is full sexual
license permitted to the neophytes, and indeed in most cases en-
joined, but any visitor attending the festival is encouraged to indulge
in licentiousness. Prostitution is freely indulged in, and adultery
is not viewed with any sense of heinousness, on account of the
surroundings. No man attending the festival is allowed to have
intercourse with his wife. m
66 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IV
Similar festivals appear in the historic civilizations: in the Bacchic cele-
brations of Greece, the Saturnalia of Rome, the Fete des Fous in medieval
France, May Day in England, and the Carnival or Mardi Gras of con-
temporary ways.
Here and there, as among the Pawnees and the Indians of Guayaquil,
vegetation rites took on a less attractive form. A man or, in later and
milder days, an animal was sacrificed to the earth at sowing time, so that
it might be fertilized by his blood. When the harvest came it was inter-
preted as the resurrection of the dead man; the victim was given, before
and after his death, the honors of a god; and from this origin arose, in a
thousand forms, the almost universal myth of a god dying for his people,
and then returning triumphantly to life." 1 Poetry embroidered magic,
and transformed it into theology. Solar myths mingled harmoniously with
vegetation rites, and the legend of a god dying and reborn came to apply
not only to the winter death and spring revival of the earth but to the
autumnal and vernal equinoxes, and the waning and waxing of the day.
For the coming of night was merely a part of this tragic drama; daily the
sun-god was born and died; every sunset was a crucifixion, and every
sunrise was a resurrection.
Human sacrifice, of which we have here but one of many varieties,
seems to have been honored at some time or another by almost every
people. On the island of Carolina in the Gulf of Mexico a great hollow
metal statue of an old Mexican deity has been found, within which still
lay the remains of human beings apparently burned to death as an offering
to the god. 188 Every one knows of the Moloch to whom the Phoenicians,
the Carthaginians, and occasionally other Semites, offered human victims.
In our own time the custom has been practised in Rhodesia. 184 Probably it
was bound up with cannibalism; men thought that the gods had tastes like
their own. As religious beliefs change more slowly than other creeds, and
rites change more slowly than beliefs, this divine cannibalism survived after
human cannibalism disappeared. 13 * Slowly, however, evolving morals
changed even religious rites; the gods imitated the increasing gentleness of
their worshipers, and resigned themselves to accepting animal instead of
human meat; a hind took the place of Iphigenia, and a ram was substituted
for Abraham's son. In time the gods did not receive even the animal; the
priests liked savory food, ate all the edible parts of the sacrificial victim
themselves, and offered upon the altar only the entrails and the bones. 18 *
CHAP. IV) MORALELEMENTSOFCIVILIZATION 6j
Since early man believed that he acquired the powers of whatever
organism he consumed, he came naturally to the conception of eating the
god. In many cases he ate the flesh and drank the blood of the human god
whom he had deified and fattened for the sacrifice. When, through in-
creased continuity in the food-supply, he became more humane, he sub-
stituted images for the victim, and was content to eat these. In ancient
Mexico an image of the god was made of grain, seeds and vegetables, was
kneaded with the blood of boys sacrificed for the purpose, and was then
consumed as a religious ceremony of eating the god. Similar ceremonies
have been found in many primitive tribes. Usually the participant was
required to fast before eating the sacred image; and the priest turned
the image into the god by the power of magic f ormulas. 187
Magic begins in superstition, and ends in science. A wilderness of weird
beliefs came out of animism, and resulted in many strange formulas and
rites. The Kukis encouraged themselves in war by the notion that all the
enemies they slew would attend them as slaves in the after life. On the
other hand a Bantu, when he had slain his foe, shaved his own head and
anointed himself with goat-dung, to prevent the spirit of the dead man
from returning to pester him. Almost all primitive peoples believed in the
efficacy of curses, and the dcstructiveness of the "evil eye." 138 Australian
natives were sure that the curse of a potent magician could kill at a hundred
miles. The belief in witchcraft began early in human history, and has
never quite disappeared. Fetishism* the worship of idols or other objects
as having magic power is still more ancient and indestructible. Since
many amulets are limited to a special power, some peoples are heavily
laden with a variety of them, so that they may be ready for any emerg-
ency. 180 Relics are a later and contemporary example of fetishes possessing
magic powers; half the population of Europe wear some pendant or amulet
which gives them supernatural protection or aid. At every step the history
of civilization teaches us how slight and superficial a structure civilization
is, and how precariously it is poised upon the apex of a never-extinct
volcano of poor and oppressed barbarism, superstition and ignorance.
Modernity is a cap superimposed upon the Middle Ages, which always
remain.
The philosopher accepts gracefully this human need of supernatural
From the Portuguese feitico, fabricated or factitious.
68 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IV
aid and comfort, and consoles himself by observing that just as animism
generates poetry, so magic begets drama and science. Frazer has shown,
with the exaggeration natural to a brilliant innovator, that the glories of
science have their roots in the absurdities of magic. For since magic often
failed, it became of advantage to the magician to discover natural opera-
tions by which he might help supernatural forces to produce the desired
event. Slowly the natural means came to predominate, even though the
magician, to preserve his standing with the people, concealed these natural
means as well as he could, and gave the credit to supernatural magic-
much as our own people often credit natural cures to magical prescriptions
and pills. In this way magic gave birth to the physician, the chemist, the
metallurgist, and the astronomer. 140
More immediately, however, magic made the priest. Gradually, as
religious rites became more numerous and complex, they outgrew the
knowledge and competence of the ordinary man, and generated a special
class which gave most of its time to the functions and ceremonies of re-
ligion. The priest as magician had access, through trance, inspiration or
esoteric prayer, to the will of the spirits or gods, and could change that
will for human purposes. Since such knowledge and skill seemed to primi-
tive men the most valuable of all, and supernatural forces were conceived
to affect man's fate at every turn, the power of the clergy became as
great as that of the state; and from the latest societies to modern times the
priest has vied and alternated with the warrior in dominating and dis-
ciplining men. Let Egypt, Judea and medieval Europe suffice as instances.
The priest did not create religion, he merely used it, as a statesman uses
the impulses and customs of mankind; religion arises not out of sacerdotal
invention or chicanery, but out of the persistent wonder, fear, insecurity,
hopefulness and loneliness of men. The priest did harm by tolerating
superstition and monopolizing certain forms of knowledge; but he limited
and often discouraged superstition, he gave the people the rudiments of
education, he acted as a repository and vehicle for the growing cultural
heritage of the race, he consoled the weak in their inevitable exploitation
by the strong, and he became the agent through which religion nourished
art and propped up with supernatural aid the precarious structure of
human morality. If he had not existed the people would have invented him.
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 69
4. The Moral Function of Religion
Religion and government TabuSexual tabus The lag of
religion Secularization
Religion supports morality by two means chiefly: myth and tabu, Myth
creates the supernatural creed through which celestial sanctions may be
given to forms of conduct socially (or sacerdotally) desirable; heavenly
hopes and terrors inspire the individual to put up with restraints placed
upon him by his masters and his group. Man is not naturally obedient,
gentle, or chaste; and next to that ancient compulsion which finally gen-
erates conscience, nothing so quietly and continuously conduces to these
uncongenial virtues as the fear of the gods. The institutions of property
and marriage rest in some measure upon religious sanctions, and tend to
lose their vigor in ages of unbelief. Government itself, which is the most
unnatural and necessary of social mechanisms, has usually required the
support of piety and the priest, as clever heretics like Napoleon and
Mussolini soon discovered; and hence "a tendency to theocracy is inci-
dental to all constitutions." 141 The power of the primitive chief is increased
by the aid of magic and sorcery; and even our own government derives
some sanctity from its annual recognition of the Pilgrims' God.
The Polynesians gave the word tabu to prohibitions sanctioned by re-
ligion. In the more highly developed of primitive societies such tabus
took the place of what under civilization became laws. Their form was
usually negative: certain acts and objects were declared "sacred" or "un-
clean"; and the two words meant in effect one warning: untouchable. So
the Ark of the Covenant was tabu, and Uzzah was struck dead, we arc
told, for touching it to save it from falling. 112 Diodorus would have us
believe that the ancient Egyptians ate one another in famine, rather than
violate the tabu against eating the animal totem of the tribe. 143 In most
primitive societies countless things were tabu; certain words and names
were never to be pronounced, and certain days and seasons were tabu in
the sense that work was forbidden at such times. All the knowledge, and
some of the ignorance, of primitive men about food were expressed in
dietetic tabus; and hygiene was inculcated by religion rather than by
science or secular medicine.
The favorite object of primitive tabu was woman. A thousand super-
70 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IV
stitions made her, every now and then, untouchable, perilous, and "un-
clean." The moulders of the world's myths were unsuccessful husbands,
for they agreed that woman was the root of all evil; this was a view
sacred not only to Hebraic and Christian tradition, but to a hundred pagan
mythologies. The strictest of primitive tabus was laid upon the men-
struating woman; any man or thing that touched her at such times lost
virtue or usefulness. 1 " The Macusi of British Guiana forbade women to
bathe at their periods lest they should poison the waters; and they forbade
them to go into the forests on these occasions, lest they be bitten by
enamored snakes. 146 Even childbirth was unclean, and after it the mother
was to purify herself with laborious religious rites. Sexual relations, in
most primitive peoples, were tabu not only in the menstrual period but
whenever the woman was pregnant or nursing. Probably these prohibi-
tions were originated by women themselves, out of their own good sense
and for their own protection and convenience; but origins are easily
forgotten, and soon woman found herself "impure" and "unclean." In
the end she accepted man's point of view, and felt shame in her periods,
even in her pregnancy. Out of such tabus as a partial source came modesty,
.the sense of sin, the view of sex as unclean, asceticism, priestly celibacy,
and the subjection of woman.
Religion is not the basis of morals, but an aid to them; conceivably they
could exist without it, and not infrequently they have progressed against
its indifference or its obstinate resistance. In the earliest societies, and in
some later ones, morals appear at times to be quite independent of religion;
religion then concerns itself not with the ethics of conduct but with magic,
ritual and sacrifice, and the good man is defined in terms of ceremonies
dutifully performed and faithfully financed. As a rule religion sanctions
not any absolute good (since there is none), but those norms of conduct
which have established themselves by force of economic and social cir-
cumstance; like law it looks to the past for its judgments, and is apt to be
left behind as conditions change and morals alter with them. So the Greeks
learned to abhor incest while their mythologies still honored incestuous
gods; the Christians practised monogamy while their Bible legalized polyg-
amy; slavery was abolished while dominies sanctified it with unimpeach-
able Biblical authority; and in our own day the Church fights heroically
for a moral code that the Industrial Revolution has obviously doomed.
In the end terrestrial forces prevail; morals slowly adjust themselves to
CHAP. IV) MORAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 71
economic invention, and religion reluctantly adjusts itself to moral change.*
The moral function of religion is to conserve established values, rather
than to create new ones.
Hence a certain tension between religion and society marks the higher
stages of every civilization. Religion begins by offering magical aid to
harassed and bewildered men; it culminates by giving to a people that unity
of morals and belief which seems so favorable to statesmanship and art;
it ends by fighting suicidally in the lost cause of the past. For as knowledge
grows or alters continually, it clashes with mythology and theology, which
change with geological leisureliness. Priestly control of arts and letters is
then felt as a galling shackle or hateful barrier, and intellectual history
takes on the character of a "conflict between science and religion." In-
stitutions which were at first in the hands of the clergy, like law and
punishment, education and morals, marriage and divorce, tend to escape
from ecclesiastical control, and become secular, perhaps profane. The
intellectual classes abandon the ancient theology and after some hesita-
tionthe moral code allied with it; literature and philosophy become anti-
clerical. The movement of liberation rises to an exuberant worship of
reason, and falls to a paralyzing disillusionment with every dogma and
every idea. Conduct, deprived of its religious supports, deteriorates into
epicurean chaos; and life itself, shorn of consoling faith, becomes a burden
alike to conscious poverty and to weary wealth. In the end a society and
its religion tend to fall together, like body and soul, in a harmonious death.
Meanwhile among the oppressed another myth arises, gives new form to
human hope, new courage to human effort, and after centuries of chaos
builds another civilization.
* Cf. the contemporary causation of birth control by urban industrialism, and the
gradual acceptance of such control by the Church.
CHAPTER V
The Mental Elements of Civilization
I. LETTERS
Language Its animal background Its human origins Its devel-
opmentIts results Education Initiation Writing Poetry
IN the beginning was the word, for with it man became man. Without
those strange noises called common nouns, thought was limited to in-
dividual objects or experiences sensorily for the most part visually re-
membered or conceived; presumably it could not think of classes as distinct
from individual things, nor of qualities as distinct from objects, nor of
objects as distinct from their qualities. Without words as class names one
might think of this man, or that man, or that man; one could not think of
Man, for the eye sees not Man but only men, not classes but particular
things. The beginning of humanity came when some freak or crank, half
animal and half man, squatted in a cave or in a tree, cracking his brain
to invent the first Qommon noun, the first sound-sign that would signify
a group of like objects: house that would mean all houses, man that would
mean all men, light that would mean every light that ever shone on land
or sea. From that moment the mental development of the race opened
upon a new and endless road. For words are to thought what tools are to
work; the product depends largely on the growth of the tools. 1
Since all origins are guesses, and de fontibus non disputandum, the
imagination has free play in picturing the beginnings of speech. Perhaps
the first form of language which may be defined as communication
through signs was the love-call of one animal to another. In this sense
the jungle, the woods and the prairie are alive with speech. Cries of warn-
ing or of terror, the call of the mother to the brood, the cluck and cackle
of euphoric or reproductive ecstasy, the parliament of chatter from tree
to tree, indicate the busy preparations made by the animal kingdom for
the august speech of man. A wild girl found living among the animals
in a forest near Chalons, France, had no other speech than hideous screeches
and howls. These living noises of the woods seem meaningless to our
7 2
CHAP. V) MENTAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 73
provincial ear; we are like the philosophical poodle Riquet, who says of
M. Bergeret: "Everything uttered by my voice means something; but
from my master's mouth comes much nonsense." Whitman and Craig
discovered a strange correlation between the actions and the exclamations
of pigeons; Dupont learned to distinguish twelve specific sounds used by
fowl and doves, fifteen by dogs, and twenty-two by horned cattle; Garner
found that the apes carried on their endless gossip with at least twenty
different sounds, plus a repertory of gestures; and from these modest
vocabularies a few steps bring us to the three hundred words that suffice
some unpretentious men. 1
Gesture seems primary, speech secondary, in the earlier transmission
of thought; and when speech fails, gesture comes again to the fore. Among
the North American Indians, who had countless dialects, married couples
were often derived from different tribes, and maintained communication
and accord by gestures rather than speech; one couple known to Lewis
Morgan used silent signs for three years. Gesture was so prominent irt
some Indian languages that the Arapahos, like some modern peoples,
could hardly converse in the dark. 8 Perhaps the first human words were
interjections, expressions of emotion as among animals; then demonstrative
words accompanying gestures of direction; and imitative sounds that came
in time to be the names of the objects or actions that they simulated.
Even after indefinite millenniums of linguistic changes and complications
every language still contains hundreds of imitative words roar, rush,
murmur, tremor, giggle, groan, hiss, heave, hum, cackle, etc.* The Tecuna
tribe, of ancient Brazil, had a perfect verb for sneeze: haitschu.' Out of
such beginnings, perhaps, came the root-words of every language. Renan
reduced all Hebrew words to five hundred roots, and Skeat nearly all
European words to some four hundred stems.!
* Such onomatopoeia still remains a refuge in linguistic emergencies. The Englishman
eating his first meal in China, and wishing to know the character of the meat he was eat-
ing, inquired, with Anglo-Saxon dignity and reserve, "Quack, quack?" To which the
Chinaman, shaking his head, answered cheerfully, "Bow-wow." 4
tE.g., divine is from Latin divus, which is from deus, Greek theos, Sanskrit deva,
meaning god; in the Gypsy tongue the word for god, by a strange prank, becomes devel.
Historically goes back to the Sanskrit root vid, to know; Greek oida, Latin video (see),
French voir (sec), German ivissen (know), English to wit; plus the suffixes tor (as in
author, praetor , rhetor), ic, al, and ly (=like). Again, the Sanskrit root or, to plough,
gives the Latin arare, Russian orati, English to ear the land, arable^ art, oar, and perhaps
the word Aryan the ploughers.*
74 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. V
The languages of nature peoples are not necessarily primitive in any sense
of simplicity; many of them are simple in vocabulary and structure, but
some of them are as complex and wordy as our own, and more highly or-
ganized than Chinese. 7 Nearly all primitive tongues, however, limit them-
selves to the sensual and particular, and arc uniformly poor in general or
abstract terms. So the Australian natives had a name for a dog's tail, and an-
other name for a cow's tail; but they had no name for tail in general.* The
Tasmanians had separate names for specific trees, but no general name for
tree; the Choctaw Indians had names for the black oak, the white oak and the
red oak, but no name for oak, much less for tree. Doubtless many gen-
erations passed before the proper noun ended in the common noun. In
many tribes there are no separate words for the color as distinct from the
colored object; no words for such abstractions as tone, sex, species, space,
spirit, instinct, reason, quantity, hope, fear, matter, consciousness, etc.*
Such abstract terms seem to grow in a reciprocal relation of cause and
effect with the development of thought; they become the tools of subtlety
and the symbols of civilization.
Bearing so many gifts to men, words seemed to them a divine boon and
a sacred thing; they became the matter of magic formulas, most reverenced
when most meaningless; and they still survive as sacred in mysteries where,
e.g., the Word becomes Flesh. They made not only for clearer thinking,
but for better social organization; they cemented the generations mentally,
by providing a better medium for education and the transmission of knowl-
edge and the arts; they created a new organ of communication, by which one
doctrine or belief could mold a people into homogeneous unity. They opened
new roads for the transport and traffic of ideas, and immensely accelerated
the tempo, and enlarged the range and content, of life. Has any other in-
vention ever equaled, in power and glory, the common noun?
Next to the enlargement of thought the greatest of these gifts of speech
was education. Civilization is an accumulation, a treasure-house of arts
and wisdom, manners and morals, from which the individual, in his devel-
opment, draws nourishment for his mental life; without that periodical
reacquisition of the racial heritage by each generation, civilization would
die a sudden death. It owes its life to education.
Education had few frills among primitive peoples; to them, as to the
animals, education was chiefly the transmission of skills and the training of
character; it was a wholesome relation of apprentice to master in the ways
of life. This direct and practical tutelage encouraged a rapid growth in the
CHAP.V) MENTAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 75
primitive child. In the Omaha tribes the boy of ten had already learned
nearly all the arts of his father, and was ready for life; among the Aleuts
the boy of ten often set up his own establishment, and sometimes took a
wife; in Nigeria children of six or eight would leave the parental house,
build a hut, and provide for themselves by hunting and fishing. 10 Usually this
educational process came to an end with the beginning of sexual life; the
precocious maturity was followed by an early stagnation. The boy, under
such conditions, was adult at twelve and old at twenty-five. 11 This docs not
mean that the "savage" had the mind of a child; it only means that he had
neither the needs nor the opportunities of the modern child; he did not
enjoy that long and protected adolescence which allows a more nearly com-
plete transmission of the cultural heritage, and a greater variety and flexibility
of adaptive reactions to an artificial and unstable environment.
The environment of the natural man was comparatively permanent; it
called not for mental agility but for courage and character. The primitive
father put his trust in character, as modern education has put its trust in
intellect; he was concerned to make not scholars but men. Hence the initia-
tion rites which, among nature peoples, ordinarily marked the arrival of the
youth at maturity and membership in the tribe, were designed to test cour-
age rather than knowledge; their function was to prepare the young for the
hardships of war and the responsibilities of marriage, while at the same time
they indulged the old in the delights of inflicting pain. Some of these initia-
tion tests are "too terrible and too revolting to be seen or told."" Among
the Kaffirs (to take a mild example) the boys who were candidates for ma-
turity were given arduous work by day, and were prevented from sleeping
by night, until they dropped from exhaustion; and to make the matter
more certain they were scourged "frequently and mercilessly until blood
spurted from them." A considerable proportion of the boys died as a re-
sult; but this seems to have been looked upon philosophically by the elders,
perhaps as an auxiliary anticipation of natural selection." Usually these
initiation ceremonies marked the end of adolescence and the preparation for
marriage; and the bride insisted that the bridegroom should prove his
capacity for suffering. In many tribes of the Congo the initiation rite
centered about circumcision; if the youth winced or cried aloud his relatives
were thrashed, and his promised bride, who had watched the ceremony care-
fully, rejected him scornfully, on the ground that she did not want a girl
for her husband. 14
Little or no use was made of writing in primitive education. Nothing
surprises the natural man so much as the ability of Europeans to com-
municate with one another, over great distances, by making black scratches
76 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. V
upon a piece of paper." Many tribes have learned to write by imitating
their civilized exploiters; but some, as in northern Africa, have remained
letterless despite five thousand years of intermittent contact with literate
nations. Simple tribes living for the most part in comparative isolation,
and knowing the happiness of having no history, felt little need for writing.
Their memories were all the stronger for having no written aids; they
learned and retained, and passed on to their children by recitation, what-
ever seemed necessary in the way of historical record and cultural trans-
mission. It was probably by committing such oral traditions and folk-lore
to writing that literature began. Doubtless the invention of writing was
met with a long and holy opposition, as something calculated to undermine
morals and the race. An Egyptian legend relates that when the god Thoth
revealed his discovery of the art of writing to King Thamos, the good
King denounced it as an enemy of civilization. "Children and young
people," protested the monarch, "who had hitherto been forced to apply
themselves diligently to learn and retain whatever was taught them, would
cease to apply themselves, and would neglect to exercise their memories." 1 "
Of course we can only guess at the origins of this wonderful toy. Per-
haps, as we shall sec, it was a by-product of pottery, and began as identify-
ing "trade-marks" on vessels of clay. Probably a system of written signs
was made necessary by the increase of trade among the tribes, and its first
forms were rough and conventional pictures of commercial objects and
accounts. As trade connected tribes of diverse languages, some mutually
intelligible mode of record and communication became desirable. Pre-
sumably the numerals were among the earliest written symbols, usually
taking the form of parallel marks representing the fingers; we still call
them fingers when we speak of them as digits. Such words as five, the
German fiinf and the Greek pente go back to a root meaning hand;" so
the Roman numerals indicated fingers, "V" represented an expanded
hand, and "X" was merely two "V's" connected at their points. Writing
was in its beginnings as it still is in China and Japan a form of drawing,
an art. As men used gestures when they could not use words, so they
used pictures to transmit their thoughts across time and space; every word
and every letter known to us was once a picture, even as trade-marks and
the signs of the zodiac are to this day. The primeval Chinese pictures that
preceded writing were called ku-ivan literally, "gesture-pictures." Totem
poles were pictograph writing; they were, as Mason suggests, tribal
CHAP.V) MENTAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION Jf
autographs. Some tribes used notched sticks to help the memory
or to convey a message; others, like the Algonquin Indians, not only
notched the sticks but painted figures upon them, making them into min-
iature totem poles; or perhaps these poles were notched sticks on a
grandiose scale. The Peruvian Indians kept complex records, both of
numbers and ideas, by knots and loops made in diversely colored cords;
perhaps some light is shed upon the origins of the South American Indians
by the fact that a similar custom existed among the natives of the Eastern
Archipelago and Polynesia. Lao-tse, calling upon the Chinese to return
to the simple life, proposed that they should go back to their primeval use
of knotted cords. 18
More highly developed forms of writing appear sporadically among na-
ture men. Hieroglyphics have been found on Easter Island, in the South
Seas; and on one of the Caroline Islands a script has been discovered which
consists of fifty-one syllabic signs, picturing figures and ideas. 19 Tradition
tells how the priests and chiefs of Easter Island tried to keep to themselves
all knowledge of writing, and how the people assembled annually to hear
the tablets read; writing was obviously, in its earlier stages, a mysterious and
holy thing, a hieroglyph or sacred carving. We cannot be sure that these
Polynesian scripts were not derived from some of the historic civilizations.
In general, writing is a sign of civilization, the least uncertain of the pre-
carious distinctions between civilized and primitive men.
Literature is at first words rather than letters, despite its name; it arises as
clerical chants or magic charms, recited usually by the priests, and trans-
mitted orally from memory to memory. Carmina, as the Romans named
poetry, meant both verses and charms; ode, among the Greeks, meant
originally a magic spell; so did the English rune and lay, and the German
Lied. Rhythm and meter, suggested, perhaps, by the rhythms of nature and
bodily life, were apparently developed by magicians or shamans to pre-
serve, transmit, and enhance the "magic incantations of their verse." 80 The
Greeks attributed the first hexameters to the Delphic priests, who were be-
lieved to have invented the meter for use in oracles.* 1 Gradually, out of
these sacerdotal origins, the poet, the orator and the historian were differ-
entiated and secularized: the orator as the official lauder of the king or solic-
itor of the deity; the historian as the recorder of the royal deeds; the poet as
the singer of originally sacred chants, the formulator and preserver of heroic
legends, and the musician who put his tales to music for the instructioi^
populace and kings. So the Fijians, the Tahitians and the Nj
donians had official orators and narrators to make addresses on
78 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. V
ceremony, and to incite the warriors of the tribe by recounting the deeds of
their forefathers and exalting the unequaled glories of the nation's past: how
little do some recent historians differ from these! The Somali had profes-
sional poets who went from village to village singing songs, like medieval
minnesingers and troubadours. Only exceptionally were these poems of
love; usually they dealt with physical heroism, or battle, or the relations of
parents and children. Here, from the Easter Island tablets, is the lament of
a father separated from his daughter by the fortunes of war:
The sail of my daughter,
Never broken by the force of foreign clans;
The sail of my daughter,
Unbroken by the conspiracy of Honiti!
Ever victorious in all her fights,
She could not be enticed to drink poisoned waters
In the obsidian glass.
Can my sorrow ever be appeased
While we are divided by the mighty seas?
O my daughter, O my daughter!
It is a vast and watery road
Over which I look toward the horizon,
My daughter, O my daughter!"
II. SCIENCE
Origins Mathematics Astronomy Medicine Surgery
In the opinion of Herbert Spencer, that supreme expert in the collection
of evidence post judicium, science, like letters, began with the priests,
originated in astronomic observations, governing religious festivals, and
was preserved in the temples and transmitted across the generations as
part of the clerical heritage." We cannot say, for here again beginnings
elude us, and we may only surmise. Perhaps science, like civilization in
general, began with agriculture; geometry, as its name indicates, was the
measurement of the soil; and the calculation of crops and seasons, necessi-
tating the observation of the stars and the construction of a calendar, may
have generated astronomy. Navigation advanced astronomy, trade de-
veloped mathematics, and the industrial arts laid the bases of physics and
chemistry.
CHAP. V) MENTAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 79
Counting was probably one of the earliest forms of speech, and in many
tribes it still presents a relieving simplicity. The Tasmanians counted up
to two: "Farmery, calabawa, cardia" i.e., "one, two, plenty"; the Gua-
ranis of Brazil adventured further and said: "One, two, three, four, in-
numerable." The New Hollanders had no words for three or four; three
they called "two-one"; four was "two-two." Damara natives would not
exchange two sheep for four sticks, but willingly exchanged, twice in
succession, one sheep for two sticks. Counting was by the fingers; hence
the decimal system. When apparently after some time the idea of twelve
was reached, the number became a favorite because it was so pleasantly
divisible by five of the first six digits; and that duodecimal system was
born which obstinately survives in English measurements today: twelve
months in a year, twelve pence in a shilling, twelve units in a dozen, twelve
dozen in a gross, twelve inches in a foot. Thirteen, on the other hand,
refused to be divided, and became disreputable and unlucky forever. Toes
added to fingers created the idea of twenty or a score; the use of this unit
in reckoning lingers in the French quatre-vingt (four twenties) for
eighty" Other parts of the body served as standards of measurement: a
hand for a "span," a thumb for an inch (in French the two words are the
same), an elbow for a "cubit," an arm for an "ell," a foot for a foot. At
an early date pebbles were added to fingers as an aid in counting; the
survival of the abacus, and of the "little stone" (calculus) concealed in
the word calculate, reveal to us how small, again, is the gap between the
simplest and the latest men. Thoreau longed for this primitive simplicity,
and well expressed a universally recurrent mood: "An honest man has
hardly need to count more than his ten fingers, or, in extreme cases he
may add his toes, and lump the rest. I say, let our affairs be as two or
three, and not as a hundred or a thousand; instead of a million count half
a dozen, and keep your accounts on your thumb-nail."*
The measurement of time by the movements of the heavenly bodies
was probably the beginning of astronomy; the very word measure, like
the word month (and perhaps the word man the measurer), goes back
apparently to a root denoting the moon. 80 Men measured time by moons
long before they counted it by years; the sun, like the father, was a com-
paratively late discovery; even today Easter is reckoned according to the
phases of the moon. The Polynesians had a calendar of thirteen months,
regulated by the moon; when their lunar year diverged too flagrantly
8O THESTORYOFCIVILIZATION (CHAP. V
from the procession of the seasons they dropped a moon, and the balance
was restored.* 7 But such sane uses of the heavens were exceptional;
astrology antedated and perhaps will survive astronomy; simple souls are
more interested in telling futures than in telling time. A myriad of super-
stitions grew up anent the influence of the stars upon human character
and fate; and many of these superstitions flourish in our own day.* Per-
haps they are not superstitions, but only another kind of error than science.
Natural man formulates no physics, but merely practises it; he cannot
plot the path of a projectile, but he can aim an arrow well; he has no
chemical symbols, but he knows at a glance which plants are poison and
which are food, and uses subtle herbs to heal the ills of the flesh. Perhaps
we should employ another gender here, for probably the first doctors
were women; not only because they were the natural nurses of the men,
nor merely because they made midwifery, rather than venality, the oldest
profession, but because their closer connection with the soil gave them a
superior knowledge of plants, and enabled them to develop the art of
medicine as distinct from the magic-mongering of the priests. From the
earliest days to a time yet within our memory, it was the woman who
healed. Only when the woman failed did the primitive sick resort to the
medicine-man and the shaman?
It is astonishing how many cures primitive doctors effected despite their
theories of disease. 20 To these simple people disease seemed to be possession
of the body by an alien power or spirit a conception not essentially differ-
ent from the germ theory which pervades medicine today. The most
popular method of cure was by some magic incantation that would pro-
pitiate the evil spirit or drive it away. How perennial this form of therapy
is may be seen in the story of the Gadarene swine. 80 * Even now epilepsy
is regarded by many as a possession; some contemporary religions prescribe
forms of exorcism for banishing disease, and prayer is recognized by most
living people as an aid to pills and drugs. Perhaps the primitive practice
was based, as much as the most modern, on the healing power of sugges-
tion. The tricks of these early doctors were more dramatic than those of
their more civilized successors: they tried to scare off the possessing
demon by assuming terrifying masks, covering themselves with the skins
* Extract from an advertisement in the Town Hall (New York) program of March 5,
1934: "HOROSCOPES, by , Astrologer to New York's most distinguished
social and professional clientele. Ten dollars an hour."
CHAP. V) MENTAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 8l
of animals, shouting, raving, slapping their hands, shaking rattles, and
sucking the demon out through a hollow tube; as an old adage put it,
"Nature cures the disease while the remedy amuses the patient." The
Brazilian Bororos carried the science to a higher stage by having the father
take the medicine in order to cure the sick child; almost invariably the
child got well. 80
Along with medicative herbs we find in the vast pharmacopoeia of
primitive man an assortment of soporific drugs calculated to ease pain or to
facilitate operations. Poisons like curare (used so frequently on the
tips of arrows), and drugs like hemp, opium and eucalyptus are older
than history; one of our most popular anesthetics goes back to the Peruvian
use of coca for this purpose. Carrier tells how the Iroquois cured scurvy
with the bark and leaves of the hemlock spruce.* 1 Primitive surgery knew
a variety of operations and instruments. Childbirth was well managed;
fractures and wounds were ably set and dressed. 83 By means of obsidian
knives, or sharpened flints, or fishes' teeth, blood was let, abscesses were
drained, and tissues were scarified. Trephining of the skull was practised
by primitive medicine-men from the ancient Peruvian Indians to the
modern Melanesians; the latter averaged nine successes out of every ten
operations, while in 1786 the same operation was invariably fatal at the
Hotel-Dieu in Paris. 33
We smile at primitive ignorance while we submit anxiously to the ex-
pensive therapeutics of our own day. As Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes
wrote, after a lifetime of healing:
There is nothing men will not do, there is nothing they have not
done, to recover their health and save their lives. They have sub-
mitted to be half-drowned in water and half-choked with gases, to
be buried up to their chins in earth, to be seared with hot irons like
galley-slaves, to be crimped with knives like codfish, to have needles
thrust into their flesh, and bonfires kindled on their skin, to swallow
all sorts of abominations, and to pay for all this as if to be singed
and scalded were a costly privilege, as if blisters were a blessing and
leeches a luxury.**
8l THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. V
IU. ART
The meaning of beautyOf art The primitive sense of beauty
The painting of the body Cosmetics Tattooing Scarifica- -
tion Clothing Ornaments Pottery Painting
Sculpture Architecture The dance Music
Summary of the primitive preparation for
civilization
After fifty thousand years of art men still dispute as to its sources in
instinct and in history. What is beauty? why do we admire it? why do
we endeavor to create it? Since this is no place for psychological discourse
we shall answer, briefly and precariously, that beauty is any quality by
which an object or a form pleases a beholder. Primarily and originally the
object does not please the beholder because it is beautiful, but rather he
calls it beautiful because it pleases him. Any object that satisfies desire
will seem beautiful: food is beautiful Thai's is not beautiful to a starving
man. The pleasing object may as like as not be the beholder himself; in our
secret hearts no other form is quite so fair as ours, and art begins with the
adornment of one's own exquisite body. Or the pleasing object may be the
desired mate; and then the esthetic beauty-feeling sense takes on the in-
tensity and creativeness of sex, and spreads the aura of beauty to every-
thing that concerns the beloved one to all forms that resemble her,
all colors that adorn her, please her or speak of her, all ornaments
and garments that become her, all shapes and motions that recall
her symmetry and grace. Or the pleasing form may be a desired
male; and out of the attraction that here draws frailty to worship strength
comes that sense of sublimity satisfaction in the presence of power which
creates the loftiest art of all. Finally nature herself with our cooperation
may become both sublime and beautiful; not only because it simulates
and suggests all the tenderness of women and all the strength of men, but
because we project into it our own feelings and fortunes, our love of others
and of ourselves relishing in it the scenes of our youth, enjoying its quiet
solitude as an escape from the storm of life, living with it through its almost
human seasons of green youth, hot maturity, "mellow fruitfulness" and
cold decay, and recognizing it vaguely as the mother that lent us life
and will receive us in our death.
CHAP.V) MENTAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 83
Art is the creation of beauty; it is the expression of thought or feeling
in a form that seems beautiful or sublime, and therefore arouses in us some
reverberation of that primordial delight which woman gives to man, or man
to woman. The thought may be any capture of life's significance, the feel-
ing may be any arousal or release of life's tensions. The form may satisfy
us through rhythm, which falls in pleasantly with the alternations of our
breath, the pulsation of our blood, and the majestic oscillations of winter
and summer, ebb and flow, night and day; or the form may please us
through symmetry, which is a static rhythm, standing for strength and
recalling to us the ordered proportions of plants and animals, of women
and men; or it may please us through color, which brightens the spirit or
intensifies life; or finally the form may please us through veracitybe-
cause its lucid and transparent imitation of nature or reality catches some
mortal loveliness of plant or animal, or some transient meaning of circum-
stance, and holds it still for our lingering enjoyment or leisurely under-
standing. From these many sources come those noble superfluities of life
song and dance, music and drama, pottery and painting, sculpture and
architecture, literature and philosophy. For what is philosophy but an art
one more attempt to give "significant form" to the chaos of experience?
If the sense of beauty is not strong in primitive society it may be because
the lack of delay between sexual desire and fulfilment gives no time for
that imaginative enhancement of the object which makes so much of the
object's beauty. Primitive man seldom thinks of selecting women because
of what we should call their beauty; he thinks rather of their usefulness,
and never dreams of rejecting a strong-armed bride because of her ugli-
ness. The Indian chief, being asked which of his wives was loveliest,
apologized for never having thought of the matter. "Their faces," he said,
with the mature wisdom of a Franklin, "might be more or less handsome,
but in other respects women are all the same." Where a sense of beauty
is present in primitive man it sometimes eludes us by being so different
from our own. "All Negro races that I know," says Reichard, "account a
woman beautiful who is not constricted at the waist, and when the body
from the arm-pits to the hips is the same breadth 'like a ladder,' says the
Coast Negro." Elephantine ears and an overhanging stomach are feminine
charms to some African males; and throughout Africa it is the fat woman
who is accounted loveliest. In Nigeria, says Mungo Park, "corpulence and
beauty seem to be terms nearly synonymous. A woman of even moderate
84 THESTORYOFCIVILIZATION (CHAP. V
pretensions must be one who cannot walk without a slave under each arm
to support her; and a perfect beauty is a load for a camel." "Most savages/'
says Briffault, "have a preference for what we should regard as one of
the most unsightly features in a woman's form, namely, long, hanging
breasts."* "It is well known," says Darwin, "that with many Hottentot
women the posterior part of the body projects in a wonderful manner . . .;
and Sir Andrew Smith is certain that this peculiarity is greatly admired by
the men. He once saw a woman who was considered a beauty, and she
was so immensely developed behind that when seated on level ground she
could not rise, and had to push herself along until she came to a slope. . . .
According to Burton the Somali men are said to choose their wives by
ranging them in a line, and by picking her out who projects furthest a tergo.
Nothing can be more hateful to a Negro than the opposite form." 88
Indeed it is highly probable that the natural male thinks of beauty in
terms of himself rather than in terms of woman; art begins at home. Primi-
tive men equaled modern men in vanity, incredible as this will seem to
women. Among simple peoples, as among animals, it is the male rather
than the female that puts on ornament and mutilates his body for beauty's
sake. In Australia, says Bonwick, "adornments are almost entirely monop-
olized by men"; so too in Melanesia, New Guinea, New Caledonia, New
Britain, New Hanover, and among the North American Indians. 87 In some
tribes more time is given to the adornment of the body than to any other
business of the day. 88 Apparently the first form of art is the artificial color-
ing of the body sometimes to attract women, sometimes to frighten foes.
The Australian native, like the latest American belle, always carried with
him a provision of white, red, and yellow paint for touching up his beauty
now and then; and when the supply threatened to run out he undertook
expeditions of some distance and danger to renew it. On ordinary days he
contented himself with a few spots of color on his cheeks, his shoulders
and his breast; but on festive occasions he felt shamefully nude unless his
entire body was painted. 89
In some tribes the men reserved to themselves the right to paint the
body; in others the married women were forbidden to paint their necks. 40
But women were not long in acquiring the oldest of the arts cosmetics.
When Captain Cook dallied in New Zealand he noticed that his sailors,
when they returned from their adventures on shore, had artificially red or
yellow noses; the paint of the native Helens had stuck to them." The
CHAP. V) MENTAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 85
Fellatah ladies of Central Africa spent several hours a day over their toilette:
they made their fingers and toes purple by keeping them wrapped all night
in henna leaves; they stained their teeth alternately with blue, yellow, and
purple dyes; they colored their hair with indigo, and penciled their eyelids
with sulphuret of antimony." Every Bongo lady carried in her dressing-
case tweezers for pulling out eyelashes and eyebrows, lancet-shaped hair-
pins, rings and bells, buttons and clasps. 43
The primitive soul, like the Periclean Greek, fretted over the transi-
toriness of painting, and invented tattooing, scarification and clothing as
more permanent adornments. The women as well as the men, in many tribes,
submitted to the coloring needle, and bore without flinching even the tat-
tooing of their lips. In Greenland the mothers tattooed their daughters
early, the sooner to get them married off." Most often, however, tattooing
itself was considered insufficiently visible or impressive, and a number of
tribes on every continent produced deep scars on their flesh to make them-
selves lovelier to their fellows, or more discouraging to their enemies. As
Theophile Gautier put it, "having no clothes to embroider, they embroid-
ered their skins." 46 Flints or mussel shells cut the flesh, and often a ball of
earth was placed within the wound to enlarge the scar. The Torres Straits
natives wore huge scars like epaulets; the Abcokuta cut themselves to pro-
duce scars imitative of lizards, alligators or tortoises. 40 "There is," says
Georg, "no part of the body that has not been perfected, decorated, dis-
figured, painted, bleached, tattooed, reformed, stretched or squeezed, out of
vanity or desire for ornament."" The Botocudos derived their name from
a plug (botoque) which they inserted into the lower lip and the ears in
the eighth year of life, and repeatedly replaced with a larger plug until
the opening was as much as four inches in diameter. 48 Hottentot women
trained the labia mlnora to assume enoromous lengths, so producing at last
the "Hottentot apron" so greatly admired by their men. 49 Ear-rings and
nose-rings were de rigueur; the natives of Gippsland believed that one who
died without a nose-ring would suffer horrible torments in the next life. 00
It is all very barbarous, says the modern lady, as she bores her ears for rings,
paints her lips and her cheeks, tweezes her eyebrows, reforms her eyelashes,
powders her face, her neck and her arms, and compresses her feet. The
tattooed sailor speaks with superior sympathy of the "savages" he has
known; and the Continental student, horrified by primitive mutilations,
sports his honorific scars.
Clothing was apparently, in its origins, a form of ornament, a sexual
deterrent or charm rather than an article of use against cold or shame. 81
86 THESTORYOFCIVILIZATION (CHAP. V
The Cimbri were in the habit of tobogganing naked over the snow. 53 When
Darwin, pitying the nakedness of the Fuegians, gave one of them a red
cloth as a protection against the cold, the native tore it into strips, which
he and his companions then used as ornaments; as Cook had said of them,
timelessly, they were "content to be naked, but ambitious to be fine."" In
like manner the ladies of the Orinoco cut into shreds the materials given
them by the Jesuit Fathers for clothing; they wore the ribbons so made
around their necks, but insisted that "they would be ashamed to wear
clothing/'" An old author describes the Brazilian natives as usually naked,
and adds: "Now alreadie some doe weare apparell, but esteem it so little
that they weare it rather for fashion than for honesties sake, and because
they are commanded to weare it; ... as is well scene by some that some-
times come abroad with certaine garments no further than the navell, with-
out any other thing, or others onely a cap on their heads, and leave the
other garments at home."" When clothing became something more than
an adornment it served partly to indicate the married status of a loyal wife,
partly to accentuate the form and beauty of woman. For the most part
primitive women asked of clothing precisely what later women have
asked not that it should quite cover their nakedness, but that it should
enhance or suggest their charms. Everything changes, except woman
and man.
From the beginning both sexes preferred ornaments to clothing. Primi-
tive trade seldom deals in necessities; it is usually confined to articles of
adornment or play." Jewelry is one of the most ancient elements of civili-
zation; in tombs twenty thousand years old, shells and teeth have been found
strung into necklaces." From simple beginnings such embellishments soon
reached impressive proportions, and played a lofty role in life. The Galla
women wore rings to the weight of six pounds, and some Dinka women
carried half a hundredweight of decoration. One African belle wore cop-
per rings which became hot under the sun, so that she had to employ an
attendant to shade or fan her. The Queen of the Wabunias on the Congo
wore a brass collar weighing twenty pounds; she had to lie down every
now and then to rest. Poor women who were so unfortunate as to have
only light jewelry imitated carefully the steps of those who carried great
burdens of bedizenment."
The first source of art, then, is akin to the display of colors and plumage
on the male animal in mating time; it lies in the desire to adorn and beautify
CHAP. V) MENTAL ELEMENTSOF CIVILIZATION 87
the body. And just as self-love and mate-love, overflowing, pour out their
surplus of affection upon nature, so the impulse to beautify passes from the
personal to the external world. The soul seeks to express its feeling in objec-
tive ways, through color and form; art really begins when men undertake to
beautify things. Perhaps its first external medium was pottery. The potter's
wheel, like writing and the state, belongs to the historic civilizations; but even
without it primitive men or rather women lifted this ancient industry to an
art, and achieved merely with clay, water and deft fingers an astonishing sym-
metry of form; witness the pottery fashioned by the Baronga of South
Africa, 89 or by the Pueblo Indians. 80
When the potter applied colored designs to the surface of the vessel he had
formed, he was creating the art of painting. In primitive hands painting is not
yet an independent art; it exists as an adjunct to pottery and statuary. Nature
men made colors out of clay, and the Andamanese made oil colors by mixing
ochre with oils or fats. 81 Such colors were used to ornament weapons, imple-
ments, vases, clothing, and buildings. Many hunting tribes of Africa and
Oceania painted upon the walls of their caves or upon neighboring rocks
vivid representations of the animals that they sought in the chase. 83
Sculpture, like painting, probably owed its origin to pottery: the potter
found that he could mold not only articles of use, but imitative figures that
might serve as magic amulets, and then as things of beauty in themselves.
The Eskimos carved caribou antlers and walrus ivory into figurines of animals
and men. 83 Again, primitive man sought to mark his hut, or a totem-pole, or
a grave with some image that would indicate the object worshiped, or the
person deceased; at first he carved merely a face upon a post, then a head,
then the whole post; and through this filial marking of graves sculpture be-
came an art.* 4 So the ancient dwellers on Easter Island topped with enormous
monolithic statues the vaults of their dead; scores of such statues, many of
them twenty feet high, have been found there; some, now prostrate in ruins,
were apparently sixty feet tall.
How did architecture begin? We can hardly apply so magnificent a term
to the construction of the primitive hut; for architecture is not mere building,
but beautiful building. It began when for the first time a man or a woman
thought of a dwelling in terms of appearance as well as of use. Probably
this effort to give beauty or sublimity to a structure was directed first to
graves rather than to homes; while the commemorative pillar developed into
statuary, the tomb grew into a temple. For to primitive thought the dead
were more important and powerful than the living; and, besides, the dead
could remain settled in one place, while the living wandered too often to
warrant their raising permanent homes.
Even in early days, and probably long before he thought of carving objects
or building tombs, man found pleasure in rhythm, and began to develop the
88 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. V
crying and warbling, the prancing and preening, of the animal into song and
dance. Perhaps, like the animal, he sang before he learned to talk," and
danced as early as he sang. Indeed no art so characterized or expressed
primitive man as the dance. He developed it from primordial simplicity to a
complexity unrivaled in civilization, and varied it into a thousand forms. The
great festivals of the tribes were celebrated chiefly with communal and in-
dividual dancing; great wars were opened with martial steps and chants; the
great ceremonies of religion were a mingling of song, drama and dance. What
seems to us now to be forms of play were probably serious matters to early
men; they danced not merely to express themselves, but to offer suggestions
to nature or the gods; for example, the periodic incitation to abundant repro-
duction was accomplished chiefly through the hypnotism of the dance.
Spencer derived the dance from the ritual of welcoming a victorious chief
home from the wars; Freud derived it from the natural expression of sensual
desire, and the group technique of erotic stimulation; if one should assert, with
similar narrowness, that the dance was born of sacred rites and mummeries,
and then merge the three theories into one, there might result as definite a
conception of the origin of the dance as can be attained by us today.
From the dance, we may believe, came instrumental music and the drama.
The making of such music appears to arise out of a desire to mark and accen-
tuate with sound the rhythm of the dance, and to intensify with shrill or
rhythmic notes the excitement necessary to patriotism or procreation. The
instruments were limited in range and accomplishment, but almost endless in
variety: native ingenuity exhausted itself in fashioning horns, trumpets, gongs,
tamtams, clappers, rattles, castanets, flutes and drums from horns, skins, shells,
ivory, brass, copper, bamboo and wood; and it ornamented them with elabo-
rate carving and coloring. The taut string of the bow became the origin of
a hundred instruments from the primitive lyre to the Stradivarius violin and
the modern pianoforte. Professional singers, like professional dancers, arose
among the tribes; and vague scales, predominantly minor in tone, were de-
veloped."
With music, song and dance combined, the "savage" created for us the
drama and the opera. For the primitive dance was frequently devoted to
mimicry; it imitated, most simply, the movements of animals and men, and
passed to the mimetic performance of actions and events. So some Australian
tribes staged a sexual dance around a pit ornamented with shrubbery to rep-
resent the vulva, and, after ecstatic and erotic gestures and prancing, cast their
spears symbolically into the pit. The northwestern tribes of the same island
played a drama of death and resurrection differing only in simplicity from
the medieval mystery and modern Passion plays: the dancers slowly sank to
the ground, hid their heads under the boughs they carried, and simulated
CHAP. V) MENTAL ELEMENTS OF CIVILIZATION 89
death; then, at a sign from their leader, they rose abruptly in a wild triumphal
chant and dance announcing the resurrection of the soul. 07 In like manner a
thousand forms of pantomime described events significant to the history of
the tribe, or actions important in the individual life. When rhythm dis-
appeared from these performances the dance passed into the drama, and one
of the greatest of art-forms was born.
In these ways precivilized men created the forms and bases of civiliza-
tion. Looking backward upon this brief survey of primitive culture, we
find every element of civilization except writing and the state. All the
modes of economic life are invented for us here: hunting and fishing, herd-
ing and tillage, transport and building, industry and commerce and finance.
AU the simpler structures of political life are organized: the clan, the fam-
ily, the village community, and the tribe; freedom and order those hostile
foci around which civilization revolves find their first adjustment and rec-
onciliation; law and justice begin. The fundamentals of morals are estab-
lished: the training of children, the regulation of the sexes, the inculcation
of honor and decency, of manners and loyalty. The bases of religion are
laid, and its hopes and terrors are applied to the encouragement of morals
and the strengthening of the group. Speech is developed into complex
languages, medicine and surgery appear, and modest beginnings are made
in science, literature and art. All in all it is a picture of astonishing creation,
of form rising out of chaos, of one road after another being opened from
the animal to the sage. Without these "savages," and their hundred thou-
sand years of experiment and groping, civilization could not have been.
We owe almost everything to them as a fortunate, and possibly degen-
erate, youth inherits the means to culture, security and ease through
the long toil of an unlettered ancestry.
CHAPTER VI
The Prehistoric Beginnings
of Civilization
I. PALEOLITHIC CULTURE
The purpose of prehistory The romances of archeology
BUT we have spoken loosely; these primitive cultures that we have
sketched as a means of studying the elements of civilization were not
necessarily the ancestors of our own; for all that we know they may be the
degenerate remnants of higher cultures that decayed when human leader-
ship moved in the wake of the receding ice from the tropics to the north
temperate zone. We have tried to understand how civilization in general
arises and takes form; we have still to trace the prehistoric* origins of
our own particular civilization. We wish now to inquire briefly for this
is a field that only borders upon our purpose by what steps man, before
history, prepared for the civilizations of history: how the man of the
jungle or the cave became an Egyptian architect, a Babylonian astronomer,
a Hebrew prophet, a Persian governor, a Greek poet, a Roman engineer,
a Hindu saint, a Japanese artist, and a Chinese sage. We must pass from
anthropology through archeology to history.
All over the earth seekers are digging into the earth: some for gold, some
for silver, some for iron, some for coal; many of them for knowledge.
What strange busyness of men exhuming paleolithic tools from the banks
of the Somme, studying with strained necks the vivid paintings on the
ceilings of prehistoric caves, unearthing antique skulls at Chou Kou Tien,
revealing the buried cities of Mohenjo-daro or Yucatan, carrying debris
in basket-caravans out of curse-ridden Egyptian tombs, lifting out of the
dust the palaces of Minos and Priam, uncovering the ruins of Persepolis,
burrowing into the soil of Africa for some remnant of Carthage, recaptur-
ing from the jungle the majestic temples of Angkor! In 1839 Jacques
Boucher de Perthes found the first Stone Age flints at Abbeville, in France;
This word will be used as applying to all ages before historical records.
90
Geological Divisioial
Period Epoch Stagt* y
Hypothetical
AgeB.C.
ist Interg
2nd Intel
1,000,000
475,000
300,000
125,000
r
3rd Inter
100,000
g 11
1 \*?
O ^
4 th Ice^
Postglac
75,000
40,000
25,000
20,000
l6,OOO
10,000
7,000
5,000
Holoccne
("Wholly R
4,500
CHAP. Vl) THE BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION 91
for nine years the world laughed at him as a dupe. In 1872 Schliemann,
with his own money, almost with his own hands, unearthed the young-
est of the many cities of Troy; but all the world smiled incredulously.
Never has any century been so interested in history as that which followed
the voyage of young Champollion with young Napoleon to Egypt ( 1 796) ;
Napoleon returned empty-handed, but Champollion came back with all
Egypt, past and current, in his grasp. Every generation since has discov-
ered new civilizations or cultures, and has pushed farther and farther back
the frontier of man's knowledge of his development. There arc not many
things finer in our murderous species than this noble curiosity, this rest-
less and reckless passion to understand.
1. Men of the Old Stone Age
The geological background Paleolithic types
Immense volumes have been written to expound our knowledge, and
conceal our ignorance, of primitive man. We leave to other imaginative
sciences the task of describing the men of the Old and the New Stone
Age; our concern is to trace the contributions of these "paleolithic" and
"neolithic" cultures to our contemporary life.
The picture we must form as background to the story is of an earth con-
siderably different from that which tolerates us transiently today: an earth
presumably shivering with the intermittent glaciations that made our now
temperate zones arctic for thousands of years, and piled up masses of rock
like the Himalayas, the Alps and the Pyrenees before the plough of the ad-
vancing ice.* If we accept the precarious theories of contemporary science,
the creature who became man by learning to speak was one of the adaptable
species that survived from those frozen centuries. In the Interglacial Stages,
while the ice was retreating (and, for all we know, long before that), this
strange organism discovered fire, developed the an of fashioning stone and
bone into weapons and tools, and thereby paved the way to civilization.
* Current geological theory places the First Ice Age about 500,000 B.C.; the First Inter-
glacial Stage about 475,000 to 400,000 B.C.; the Second Ice Age about 400,000 B.C.; the
Second Interglacial Stage about 375,000 to 175,000 B.C.; the Third Ice Age about 175,000
B.C.; the Third Interglacial Stage about 150,000 to 50,000 B.C.; the Fourth (and latest) Ice
Age about 50,000 to 25,000 B.C.* We arc now in the Postglacial Stage, whose date of
termination has not been accurately calculated. These and other details have been
arranged more visibly in the table at the head of this chapter.
92 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VI
Various remains have been found whichsubject to later correction are
attributed to this prehistoric man. In 1929 a young Chinese paleontologist,
W. C. Pei, discovered in a cave at Chou Kou Tien, some thirty-seven miles
from Peiping, a skull adjudged to be human by such experts as the Abbe
Breuil and G. Elliot Smith. Near the skull were traces of fire, and stones
obviously worked into tools; but mingled with these signs of human agency
were the bones of animals ascribed by common consent to the Early Pleisto-
cene Epoch, a million years ago. 8 This Peking skull is by common opinion
the oldest human fossil known to us; and the tools found with it are the
first human artefacts in history. At Piltdown, in Sussex, England, Dawson and
Woodward found in 1911 some possibly human fragments now known as
"Piltdown Man," or Eoanthropus (Dawn Man); the dates assigned to it
range spaciously from 1,000,000 to 125,000 B.C. Similar uncertainties attach to
the skull and thigh-bones found in Java in 1891, and the jaw-bone found near
Heidelberg in 1907. The earliest unmistakably human fossils were discovered
at Neanderthal, near Diisseldorf, Germany, in 1857; they date apparently
from 40,000 B.C., and so resemble human remains unearthed in Belgium,
France and Spain, and even on the shores of the Sea of Galilee, that a whole
race of "Neanderthal Men" has been pictured as possessing Europe some
forty millenniums before our era. They were short, but they had a cranial ca-
pacity of 1600 cubic centimeters which is 200 more than ours. 4
These ancient inhabitants of Europe seem to have been displaced, some
20,000 B.C., by a new race, named Cro-Magnon, from the discovery of its
relics (1868) in a grotto of that name in the Dordogne region of southern
France. Abundant remains of like type and age have been exhumed at
various points in France, Switzerland, Germany and Wales. They indicate a
people of magnificent vigor and stature, ranging from five feet ten inches to
six feet four inches in height, and having a skull capacity of 1590 to 1715
cubic centimeters." Like the Neanderthals, Cro-Magnon men are known to
us as "cave-men," because their remains are found in caves; but there is no
proof that these were their sole dwelling-place; it may be again but a jest
of time that only those of them who lived in caves, or died in them, have
transmitted their bones to archeologists. According to present theory this
splendid race came from central Asia through Africa into Europe by land-
bridges presumed to have then connected Africa with Italy and Spain. 8 The
distribution of their fossils suggests that they fought for many decades, per-
haps centuries, a war with the Neanderthals for the possession of Europe; so
old is the conflict between Germany and France. At all events, Neanderthal
Man disappeared; Cro-Magnon Man survived, became the chief progeni-
tor of the modern western European, and laid the bases of that civilization
which we inherit today.
CHAP. Vl) THE BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION 93
The cultural remains of these and other European types of the Old Stone
Age have been classified into seven main groups, according to the location
of the earliest or principal finds in France. All are characterized by the use
of unpolished stone implements. The first three took form in the precarious
interval between the third and fourth glaciations.
I. The Pre-Chellean Culture or Industry, dating some 125,000
B.C.: most of the flints found in this low layer give little evidence
of fashioning, and appear to have been used (if at all) as nature
provided them; but the presence of many stones of a shape to fit
the fist, and in some degree flaked and pointed, gives to Pre-
Chellean man the presumptive honor of having made the first
known tool of European man the coup-de-poing, or "blow-of-
the-fist" stone.
II. The Chellean Culture, ca. 100,000 B.C., improved this tool
by roughly flaking it on both sides, pointing it into the shape of
an almond, and fitting it better to the hand.
III. The Acheulean Culture, about 75,000 B.C., left an abun-
dance of remains in Europe, Greenland, the United States, Canada,
Mexico, Africa, the Near East, India, and China; it not only
brought the coup-de-poing to greater symmetry and point, but it
produced a vast variety of special tools hammers, anvils, scrapers,
planes, arrow-heads, spear-heads, and knives; already one sees a
picture of busy human industry.
IV. The Mousterian Culture is found on all continents, in espe-
cial association with the remains of Neanderthal Man, about 40,000
B.C. Among these flints the coup-de-poing is comparatively rare,
as something already ancient and superseded. The implements
were formed from a large single flake, lighter, sharper and shape-
lier than before, and by skilful hands with a long-established tra-
dition of artisanship. Higher in the Pleistocene strata of southern
France appear the remains of
V. The Aurignacian Culture, ca. 25,000 B.C., the first of the
postglacial industries, and the first known culture of Cro-Magnon
Man. Bone tools pins, anvils, polishers, etc. were now added to
those of stone; and art appeared in the form of crude engravings
on the rocks, or simple figurines in high relief, mostly of nude
women/ At a higher stage of Cro-Magnon development
94 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VI
VI. The Solutrean Culture appears ca. 20,000 B.C., in France,
Spain, Czechoslovakia and Poland: points, planes, drills, saws,
javelins and spears were added to the tools and weapons of Aurig-
nacian days; slim, sharp needles were made of bone, many imple-
ments were carved out of reindeer horn, and the reindeer's antlers
were engraved occasionally with animal figures appreciably supe-
rior to Aurignacian art. Finally, at the peak of Cro-Magnon
growth,
VII. The Magdalenian Culture appears throughout Europe
about 16,000 B.C.; in industry it was characterized by a large assort-
ment of delicate utensils in ivory, bone and horn, culminating in
humble but perfect needles and pins; in art it was the age of the
Altamira drawings, the most perfect and subtle accomplishment of
Cro-Magnon Man.
Through these cultures of the Old Stone Age prehistoric man laid the
bases of those handicrafts which were to remain part of the European
heritage until the Industrial Revolution. Their transmission to the classic and
modern civilizations was made easier by the wide spread of paleolithic in-
dustries. The skull and cave-painting found in Rhodesia in 1921, the flints dis-
covered in Egypt by De Morgan in 1896, the paleolithic finds of Seton-Karr
in Somaliland, the Old Stone Age deposits in the basin of the Fayum,* and
the Still Bay Culture of South Africa indicate that the Dark Continent went
through approximately the same prehistoric periods of development in the art
of flaking stone as those which we have outlined in Europe; 8 perhaps, indeed,
the quasi-Aurignacian remains in Tunis and Algiers strengthen the hypothesis
of an African origin or stopping-point for the Cro-Magnon race, and there-
fore for European man.' Paleolithic implements have been dug up in Syria,
India, China, Siberia, and other sections of Asia; 10 Andrews and his Jesuit
predecessors came upon them in Mongolia;" Neanderthal skeletons and Mous-
terian-Aurignacian flints have been exhumed in great abundance in Palestine;
and we have seen how the oldest known human remains and implements have
lately been unearthed near Peiping. Bone tools have been discovered in
Nebraska which some patriotic authorities would place at 500,000 B.C.; arrow-
heads have been found in Oklahoma and New Mexico which their finders
assure us were made in 350,000 B.C. So vast was the bridge by which pre-
historic transmitted the foundations of civilization to historic man.
* An oasis west of the Middle Nile.
CHAP. Vl) THE BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION 95
2. Arts of the Old Stone Age
Tools Fire Painting Sculpture
If now we sum up the implements fashioned by paleolithic man we shall
gain a clearer idea of his life than by giving loose rein to our fancy. It was
natural that a stone in the fist should be the first tool; many an animal
could have taught that to man. So the coup-de-pomgz rock sharp at
one end, round at the other to fit the palm of the hand became for pri-
meval man hammer, axe, chisel, scraper, knife and saw; even to this day
the word hammer means, etymologically, a stone. 13 Gradually these spe-
cific tools were differentiated out of the one homogeneous form: holes
were bored to attach a handle; teeth were inserted to make a saw, branches
were tipped with the coup-de-poing to make a pick, an arrow or a spear.
The scraper-stone that had the shape of a shell became a shovel or a hoe;
the rough-surfaced stone became a file; the stone in a sling became a
weapon of war that would survive even classical antiquity. Given bone,
wood and ivory as well as stone, and paleolithic man made himself a
varied assortment of weapons and tools: polishers, mortars, axes, planes,
scrapers, drills, lamps, knives, chisels, choppers, lances, anvils, etchers,
daggers, fish-hooks, harpoons, wedges, awls, pins, and doubtless many
more. 14 Every day he stumbled upon new knowledge, and sometimes he
had the wit to develop his chance discoveries into purposeful inventions.
But his great achievement was fire. Darwin has pointed out how the
hot lava of volcanoes might have taught men the art of fire; according to
-flSschylus, Prometheus established it by igniting a narthex stalk in the
burning crater of a volcano on the isle of Lcmnos." Among Neanderthal
remains we find bits of charcoal and charred bones; man-made fire, then,
is at least 40,000 years old. " Cro-Magnon man ground stone bowls to hold
the grease that he burned to give him light: the lamp, therefore, is also of
considerable age. Presumably it was fire that enabled man to meet the
threat of cold from the advancing ice; fire that left him free to sleep on
the earth at night, since animals dreaded the marvel as much as primitive
men worshiped it; fire that conquered the dark and began that lessening of
fear which is one of the golden threads in the not quite golden web of
history; fire that created the old and honorable art of cooking, extending
the diet of man to a thousand foods inedible before; fire that led at last
96 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VI
to the fusing of metals, and the only real advance in technology from
Cro-Magnon days to the Industrial Revolution."
Strange to relate and as if to illustrate Gautier's lines on robust art
outlasting emperors and states our clearest relics of paleolithic man are
fragments of his art. Sixty years ago Senor Marcelino de Sautuola came up-
on a large cave on his estate at Altamira, in northern Spain. For thousands of
years the entrance had been hermetically sealed by fallen rocks naturally
cemented with stalagmite deposits. Blasts for new construction accident-
ally opened the entrance. Three years later Sautuola explored the cave,
and noticed some curious markings on the walls. One day his little daugh-
ter accompanied him. Not compelled, like her father, to stoop as she
walked through the cave, she could look up and observe the ceiling. There
she saw, in vague outline, the painting of a great bison, magnificently
colored and drawn. Many other drawings were found on closer exami-
nation of the ceiling and the walls. When, in 1880, Sautuola published
his report on these observations, archeologists greeted him with genial
scepticism. Some did him the honor of going to inspect the drawings,
only to pronounce them the forgery of a hoaxer. For thirty years this
quite reasonable incredulity persisted. Then the discovery of other draw-
ings in caves generally conceded to be prehistoric (from their contents of
unpolished flint tools, and polished ivory and bone) confirmed Sautuola's
judgment; but Sautuola now was dead. Geologists came to Altamira and
testified, with the unanimity of hindsight, that the stalagmite coating on
many of the drawings was a paleolithic deposit." General opinion now
places these Altamira drawings and the greater portion of extant pre-
historic art in the Magdalenian culture, some 1 6,000 B.C." Paintings slight-
ly later in time, but still of the Old Stone Age, have been found in many
caves of France.*
Most often the subjects of these drawings are animals reindeers, mam-
moths, horses, boars, bears, etc.; these, presumably, were dietetic luxuries,
and therefore favorite objects of the chase. Sometimes the animals are
transfixed with arrows; these, in the view of Frazer and Reinach, were
intended as magic images that would bring the animal under the power,
and into the stomach, of the artist or the hunter." Conceivably they were
just plain art, drawn with the pure joy of esthetic creation; the crudest
* Combarelles, Les Eyzies, Font de Gaume, etc.
CHAP. Vl) THE BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION 97
representation should have sufficed the purposes of magic, whereas these
paintings are often of such delicacy, power and skill as to suggest the un-
happy thought that art, in this field at least, has not advanced much in the
long course of human history. Here is life, action, nobility, conveyed over-
whelmingly with one brave line or two; here a single stroke (or is it that
the others have faded? ) creates a living, charging beast. Will Leonardo's
Last Supper, or El Greco's Assumption, bear up as well as these Cro-
Magnon paintings after twenty thousand years?
Painting is a sophisticated art, presuming many centuries of mental and
technical development. If we may accept current theory (which it is always a
perilous thing to do), painting developed from statuary, by a passage from
carving in the round to bas-relief and thence to mere outline and coloring;
painting is sculpture minus a dimension. The intermediate prehistoric art is
well represented by an astonishingly vivid bas-relief of an archer (or a spear-
man) on the Aurignacian cliffs at Laussel in France. 21 In a cave in Ariegc,
France, Louis Begouen discovered, among other Magdalenian relics, several
ornamental handles carved out of reindeer antlers; one of these is of mature
and excellent workmanship, as if the art had already generations of tradition
and development behind it. Throughout the prehistoric Mediterranean-
Egypt, Crete, Italy, France and Spain countless figures of fat little women
are found, which indicate either a worship of motherhood or an African
conception of beauty. Stone statues of a wild horse, a reindeer and a mam-
moth have been unearthed in Czechoslovakia, among remains uncertainly
ascribed to 30,000 B.C.*
The whole interpretation of history as progress falters when we con-
sider that these statues, bas-reliefs and paintings, numerous though they
are, may be but an infinitesimal fraction of the art that expressed or adorned
the life of primeval man. What remains is found in caves, where the
elements were in some measure kept at bay; it does not follow that pre-
historic men were artists only when they were in caves. They may have
carved as sedulously and ubiquitously as the Japanese, and may have
fashioned statuary as abundantly as the Greeks; they may have painted
not only the rocks in their caverns, but textiles, wood, everythingnot
excepting themselves. They may have created masterpieces far superior to
the fragments that survive. In one grotto a tube was discovered, made from
the bones of a reindeer, and filled with pigment; 28 in another a stone palette
98 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VI
was picked up still thick with red ochre paint despite the transit of two
hundred centuries.* 4 Apparently the arts were highly developed and
widely practised eighteen thousand years ago. Perhaps there was a class
of professional artists among paleolithic men; perhaps there were Bohem-
ians starving in the less respectable caves, denouncing the commercial bour-
geoisie, plotting the death of academies, and forging antiques.
II. NEOLITHIC CULTURE
The Kitchen-Middens The Lake-Dwellers The coming of
agriculture The taming of animals Technology Neo-
lithic weaving pottery building transport religion
science Summary of the prehistoric preparation
for civilization
At various times in the last one hundred years great heaps of seemingly
prehistoric refuse have been found, in France, Sardinia, Portugal, Brazil, Japan
and Manchuria, but above all in Denmark, where they received that queer
name of Kitchen-Middens (Kjokken-moddinger) by which such ancient
messes are now generally known. These rubbish heaps are composed of
shells, especially of oysters, mussels and periwinkles; of the bones of various
land and marine animals; of tools and weapons of horn, bone and unpolished
stone; and of mineral remains like charcoal, ashes and broken pottery. These
unprepossessing relics are apparently signs of a culture formed about the
eighth millennium before Christ later than the true paleolithic, and yet not
properly neolithic, because not yet arrived at the use of polished stone. We
know hardly anything of the men who left these remains, except that they
had a certain catholic taste. Along with the slightly older culture of the Mas-
d'Azil, in France, the Middens represent a "mesolithic" (middle-stone) or
transition period between the paleolithic and the neolithic age.
In the year 1854, the winter being unusually dry, the level of the Swiss
lakes sank, and revealed another epoch in prehistory. At some two hun-
dred localities on these lakes piles were found which had stood in place
under the water for from thirty to seventy centuries. The piles were so
arranged as to indicate that small villages had been built upon them, per-
haps for isolation or defense; each was connected with the land only by a
narrow bridge, whose foundations, in some cases, were still in place; here
and there even the framework of the houses had survived the patient play
CHAP. Vl) THE BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION 99
of the waters.* Amid these ruins were tools of bone and polished stone
which became for archeologists the distinguishing mark of the New Stone
Age that flourished some 10,000 B.C. in Asia, and some 5000 B.C. in Europe. 8 *
Akin to these remains are the gigantic tumuli left in the valleys of the
Mississippi and its tributaries by the strange race that we call the Mound-
Builders, and of which we know nothing except that in these mounds,
shaped in the form of altars, geometric figures, or totem animals, are found
objects of stone, shell, bone and beaten metal which place these mysterious
men at the end of the neolithic period.
If from such remains we attempt to patch together some picture of the
New Stone Age, we find at once a startling innovation agriculture. In one
sense all human history hinges upon two revolutions: the neolithic pas-
sage from hunting to agriculture, and the modern passage from agriculture
to industry; no other revolutions have been quite as real or basic as these.
The remains show that the Lake-Dwellers ate wheat, millet, rye, barley
and oats, besides one hundred and twenty kinds of fruit and many varie-
ties of nut." No ploughs have been found in these ruins, probably because
the first ploughshares were of wood some strong tree-trunk and branch
fitted with a flint edge; but a neolithic rock-carving unmistakably shows
a peasant guiding a plough drawn by two oxen. 30 This marks the appear-
ance of one of the epochal inventions of history. Before agriculture the
earth could have supported (in the rash estimate of Sir Arthur Keith) only
some twenty million men, and the lives of these were shortened by the
mortality of the chase and war; 81 now began that multiplication of man-
kind which definitely confirmed man's mastery of the planet.
Meanwhile the men of the New Stone Age were establishing another of
the foundations of civilization: the domestication and breeding of animals.
Doubtless this was a long process, probably antedating the neolithic
period. A certain natural sociability may have contributed to the associa-
tion of man and animal, as we may still see in the delight that primitive
people take in taming wild beasts, and in filling their huts with monkeys,
parrots and similar companions. 88 The oldest bones in the neolithic remains
* Remains of similar lake dwellings have been found in France, Italy, Scotland, Russia,
North America, India, and elsewhere. Such villages still exist in Borneo, Sumatra, New
Guinea, etc. 98 Venezuela owes its name (Little Venice) to the fact that when Alonso de
Ojeda discovered it for Europe (1499) he found the natives living in pile-dwellings on
Lake Maracaibo."
IOO
THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VI
(ca. 8000 B.C.) are those of the dogthe most ancient and honorable com-
panion of the human race. A little later (ca. 6000 B.C.) came the goat, the
sheep, the pig and the ox. 88 Finally the horse, which to paleolithic man
had been, if we may judge from the cave drawings, merely a beast of prey,
was taken into camp, tamed, and turned into a beloved slave; 84 in a hundred
ways he was now put to work to increase the leisure, the wealth, and the
power of man. The new lord of the earth began to replenish his food-
supply by breeding as well as hunting; and perhaps he learned, in this same
neolithic age, to use cow's milk as food.
Neolithic inventors slowly improved and extended the tool-chest and
armory of man. Here among the remains are pulleys, levers, grindstones,
awls, pincers, axes, hoes, ladders, chisels, spindles, looms, sickles, saws,
fish-hooks, skates, needles, brooches and pins. 85 Here, above all, is the
wheel, another fundamental invention of mankind, one of the modest
essentials of industry and civilization; already in this New Stone Age it
was developed into disc and spoked varieties. Stones of every sort even
obdurate diorite and obsidianwere ground, bored, and finished into a
polished form. Flints were mined on a large scale. In the ruins of a neo-
lithic mine at Brandon, England, eight worn picks of deerhorn were found,
on whose dusty surfaces were the finger-prints of the workmen who had
laid down those tools ten thousand years ago. In Belgium the skeleton of
such a New Stone Age miner, who had been crushed by falling rock, was
discovered with his deerhorn pick still clasped in his hands;" across a hun-
dred centuries we feel him as one of us, and share in weak imagination his
terror and agony. Through how many bitter millenniums men have been
tearing out of the bowels of the earth the mineral bases of civilization!
Having made needles and pins man began to weave; or, beginning to weave,
he was moved to make needles and pins. No longer content to clothe himself
with the furs and hides of beasts, he wove the wool of his sheep and the
fibres found in the plants into garments from which came the robe of the
Hindu, the toga of the Greek, the skirt of the Egyptian, and all the fascinat-
ing gamut of human dress. Dyes were mixed from the juices of plants or the
minerals of the earth, and garments were stained with colors into luxuries for
kings. At first men seem to have plaited textiles as they plaited straw, by
interlacing one fibre with another; then they pierced holes into animal
skins, and bound the skins with coarse fibres passing through the holes, as
with the corsets of yesterday and the shoes of today; gradually the fibres
CHAP. Vl) THE BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION IOI
were refined into thread, and sewing became one of the major arts of woman-
kind. The stone distaffs and spindles among the neolithic ruins reveal one of
the great origins of human industry. Even mirrors are found in these re-
mains;* 7 everything was ready for civilization.
No pottery has been discovered in the earlier paleolithic graves; fragments
of it appear in the remains of the Magdalenian culture in Belgium, 88 but it
is only in the mesolithic Age of the Kitchen-Middens that we find any de-
veloped use of earthenware. The origin of the art, of course, is unknown.
Perhaps some observant primitive noticed that the trough made by his foot
in clay held water with little seepage; 89 perhaps some accidental baking of a
piece of wet clay by an adjoining fire gave him the hint that fertilized inven-
tion, and revealed to him the possibilities of a material so abounding in quan-
tity, so pliable to the hand, and so easy to harden with fire or the sun. Doubt-
less he had for thousands of years carried his food and drink in such natural
containers as gourds and coconuts and the shells of the sea; then he had made
himself cups and ladles of wood or stone, and baskets and hampers of rushes
or straw; now he made lasting vessels of baked clay, and created another of
the major industries of mankind. So far as the remains indicate, neolithic
man did not know the potter's wheel; but with his own hands he fashioned
clay into forms of beauty as well as use, decorated it with simple designs, 40
and made pottery, almost at the outset, not only an industry but an art.
Here, too, we find the first evidences of another major industry building.
Paleolithic man left no known trace of any other home than the cave. But
in the neolithic remains we find such building devices as the ladder, the
pulley, the lever, and the hinge.* 1 The Lake-Dwellers were skilful carpenters,
fastening beam to pile with sturdy wooden pins, or mortising them head to
head, or strengthening them with crossbeams notched into their sides. The
floors were of clay, the walls of wattle-work coated with clay, the roofs of
bark, straw, rushes or reeds. With the aid of the pulley and the wheel,
building materials were carried from place to place, and great stone founda-
tions were laid for villages. Transport, too, became an industry: canoes were
built, and must have made the lakes live with traffic; trade was carried
on over mountains and between distant continents. 42 Amber, diorite, jadeite
and obsidian were imported into Europe from afar. 48 Similar words, letters,
myths, pottery and designs betray the cultural contacts of diverse groups of
prehistoric men. 44
Outside of pottery the New Stone Age has left us no art, nothing to com-
pare with the painting and statuary of paleolithic man. Here and there
among the scenes of neolithic life from England to China we find circular
heaps of stone called dolmens, upright monoliths called menhirs, and gigantic
102 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VI
cromlechs stone structures of unknown purpose like those at Stonehenge
or in Morbihan. Probably we shall never know the meaning or function of
these megaliths; presumably they are the remains of altars and temples." For
neolithic man doubtless had religions, myths with which to dramatize the
daily tragedy and victory of the sun, the death and resurrection of the soil,
and the strange earthly influences of the moon; we cannot understand the
historic faiths unless we postulate such prehistoric origins. 46 Perhaps the
arrangement of the stones was determined by astronomic considerations, and
suggests, as Schneider thinks, an acquaintance with the calendar. 47 Some
scientific knowledge was present, for certain neolithic skulls give evidence of
trephining; and a few skeletons reveal limbs apparently broken and reset. 48
We cannot properly estimate the achievements of prehistoric men, for
we must guard against describing their life with imagination that tran-
scends the evidence, while on the other hand we suspect that time has
destroyed remains that would have narrowed the gap between primeval
and modern man. Even so, the surviving record of Stone Age advances is
impressive enough: paleolithic tools, fire, and art; neolithic agriculture,
animal breeding, weaving, pottery, building, transport, and medicine, and
the definite domination and wider peopling of the earth by the human
race. All the bases had been laid; everything had been prepared for the
historic civilizations except (perhaps) metals, writing and the state. Let
men find a way to record their thoughts and achievements, and thereby
transmit them more securely across the generations, and civilization would
begin.
III. THE TRANSITION TO HISTORY
1. The Coming of Metals
Copper Bronze Iron
When did the use of metals come to man, and how? Again we do not
know; we merely surmise that it came by accident, and we presume, from
the absence of earlier remains, that it began towards the end of the Neolithic
Age. Dating this end about 4000 B.C., we have a perspective in which the
Age of Metals (and of writing and civilization) is a mere six thousand years
appended to an Age of Stone lasting at least forty thousand years, and an
Age of Man lasting* a million years. So young is the subject of our history.
The oldest known metal to be adapted to human use was copper. We find
it in a Lake-Dwelling at Robenhausen, Switzerland, ca. 6000 B.C.; 4 * in pre-
* If we accept "Peking Man" as early Pleistocene.
CHAP.Vl) THE BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION 103
historic Mesopotamia ca. 4500 B.C.; in the Badarian graves of Egypt towards
4000 B.C.; in the ruins of Ur ca. 3100 B.C.; and in the relics of the North
American Mound-Builders at an unknown age. 80 The Age of Metals began
not with their discovery, but with their transformation to human purpose by
fire and working. Metallurgists believe that the first fusing of copper out
of its stony ore came by haphazard when a primeval camp fire melted the
copper lurking in the rocks that enclosed the flames; such an event has often
been seen at primitive camp fires in our own day. Possibly this was the hint
which, many times repeated, led early man, so long content with refractory
stone, to seek in this malleable metal a substance more easily fashioned into
durable weapons and tools. 61 Presumably the metal was first used as it came
from the profuse but careless hand of nature sometimes nearly pure, most
often grossly alloyed. Much later, doubtless apparently about 3500 B.C. in
the region around the Eastern Mediterranean men discovered the art of
smelting, of extracting metals from their ores. Then, towards 1500 B.C. (as
we may judge from bas-reliefs on the tomb of Rekh-mara in Egypt), they
proceeded to cast metal: dropping the molten copper into a clay or sand
receptacle, they let it cool into some desired form like a spcar-hcad or an
axe. M That process, once discovered, was applied to a great variety of metals,
and provided man with those doughty elements that were to build his great-
est industries, and give him his conquest of the earth, the sea, and the air.
Perhaps it was because the Eastern Mediterranean lands were rich in copper
that vigorous new cultures arose, in the fourth millennium B.C., in Elam, Meso-
potamia and Egypt, and spread thence in all directions to transform the
world. 58
But copper by itself was soft, admirably pliable for some purposes (what
would our electrified age do without it?), but too weak for the heavier tasks
of peace and war; an alloy was needed to harden it. Though nature sug-
gested many, and often gave man copper already mixed and hardened with
tin or zinc forming, therefore, ready-made bronze or brass he may have
dallied for centuries before taking the next step: the deliberate fusing of
metal with metal to make compounds more suited to his needs. The dis-
covery is at least five thousand years old, for bronze is found in Cretan re-
mains of 3000 B.C., in Egyptian remains of 2800 B.C., and in the second city
of Troy 2000 B.C. M We can no longer speak strictly of an "Age of Bronze,"
for the metal came to different peoples at diverse epochs, and the term
would therefore be without chronological meaning;" furthermore, some cul-
tureslike those of Finland, northern Russia, Polynesia, central Africa, south-
ern India, North America, Australia and Japan passed over the Bronze Age
directly from stone to iron;"" and in those cultures where bronze appears it
seems to have had a subordinate place as a luxury of priests, aristocrats and
104 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VI
kings, while commoners had still to be content with stone. 87 Even the terms
"Old Stone Age" and "New Stone Age" are precariously relative, and de-
scribe conditions rather than times; to this day many primitive peoples (e.g.,
the Eskimos and the Polynesian Islanders) remain in the Age of Stone, know-
ing iron only as a delicacy brought to them by explorers. Captain Cook
bought several pigs for a sixpenny nail when he landed in New Zealand in
1778; and another traveler described the inhabitants of Dog Island as "covet-
ous chiefly of iron, so as to want to take the nails out of the ship." 08
Bronze is strong and durable, but the copper and tin which were needed
to make it were not available in such convenient quantities and locations as
to provide man with the best material for industry and war. Sooner or later
iron had to come; and it is one of the anomalies of history that, being so
abundant, it did not appear at least as early as copper and bronze. Men may
have begun the art by making weapons out of meteoric iron as the Mound-
Builders seem to have done, and as some primitive peoples do to this day;
then, perhaps, they melted it from the ore by fire, and hammered it into
wrought iron. Fragments of apparently meteoric iron have been found in
predynastic Egyptian tombs; and Babylonian inscriptions mention iron as a
costly rarity in Hammurabi's capital (2100 B.C.). An iron foundry perhaps
four thousand years old has been discovered in Northern Rhodesia; mining in
South Africa is no modern invention. The oldest wrought iron known is a
group of knives found at Gerar, in Palestine, and dated by Petrie about
1350 B.C. A century later the metal appears in Egypt, in the reign of the
great Rameses II; still another century and it is found in the ^Egean. In
Western Europe it turns up first at Hallstatt, Austria, ca. 900 B.C., and in
the La Tine industry in Switzerland ca. 500 B.C. It entered India with Alex-
ander, America with Columbus, Oceania with Cook. 80 In this leisurely way,
century by century, iron has gone about its rough conquest of the earth.
2. Writing
Its possible ceramic origins The "Mediterranean Signary"
Hieroglyphics Alphabets
But by far the most important step in the passage to civilization was
writing. Bits of pottery from neolithic remains show, in some cases, painted
lines which several students have interpreted as signs. 80 This is doubtful
enough; but it is possible that writing, in the broad sense of graphic sym-
bols of specific thoughts, began with marks impressed by nails or fingers
upon the still soft clay to adorn or identify pottery. In the earliest Sumer-
ian hieroglyphics the pictograph for bird bears a suggestive resemblance
CHAP. VI ) THE BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION 105
to the bird decorations on the oldest pottery at Susa, in Elam; and the
earliest pictograph for grain is taken directly from the geometrical grain-
decoration of Susan and Sumerian vases. The linear script of Sumeria, on
its first appearance (ca. 3600 B.C.), is apparently an abbreviated form of
the signs and pictures painted or impressed upon the primitive pottery of
lower Mesopotamia and Elam." * Writing, like painting and sculpture, is
probably in its origin a ceramic art; it began as a form of etching and
drawing, and the same clay that gave vases to the potter, figures to the
sculptor and bricks to the builder, supplied writing materials to the scribe.
From such a beginning to the cuneiform writing of Mesopotamia would
be an intelligible and logical development.
The oldest graphic symbols known to us are those found by Flinders
Petrie on shards, vases and stones discovered in the prehistoric tombs of
Egypt, Spain and the Near East, to which, with his usual generosity, he
attributes an age of seven thousand years. This "Mediterranean Signary"
numbered some three hundred signs; most of them were the same in all
localities, indicating commercial bonds from one end of the Mediterranean to
the other as far back as 5000 B.C. They were not pictures but chiefly mer-
cantile symbols marks of property, quantity, or other business memoranda;
the berated bourgeoisie may take consolation in the thought that literature
originated in bills of lading. The signs were not letters, since they repre-
sented entire words or ideas; but many of them were astonishingly like
letters of the "Phoenician" alphabet. Petrie concludes that "a wide body of
signs had been gradually brought into use in primitive times for various pur-
poses. These were interchanged by trade, and spread from land to land,
. . . until a couple of dozen signs triumphed and became common property
to a group of trading communities, while the local survivals of other forms
were gradually extinguished in isolated seclusion." 61 That this signary was the
source of the alphabet is an interesting theory, which Professor Petrie has the
distinction of holding alone."
Whatever may have been the development of these early commercial
symbols, there grew up alongside them a form of writing which was a
branch of drawing and painting, and conveyed connected thought by
pictures. Rocks near Lake Superior still bear remains of the crude pictures
with which the American Indians proudly narrated for posterity, or more
probably for their associates, the story of their crossing the mighty lake. 8 *
A similar evolution of drawing into writing seems to have taken place
throughout the Mediterranean world at the end of the Neolithic Age.
106 % THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VI
Certainly by 3600 B.C., and probably long before that, Elam, Sumeria and
Egypt had developed a system of thought-pictures, called hieroglyphics
because practised chiefly by the priests. 04 A similar system appeared in
Crete ca. 2500 B.C. We shall see later how these hieroglyphics, represent-
ing thoughts, were, by the corruption of use, schematized and convention-
alized into syllabaries i.e., collections of signs indicating syllables; and how
at last signs were used to indicate not the whole syllable but its initial
sound, and therefore became letters. Such alphabetic writing probably
dates back to 3000 B.C. in Egypt; in Crete it appears ca. 1600 B.C." The
Phoenicians did not create the alphabet, they marketed it; taking it appar-
ently from Egypt and Crete, 00 they imported it piecemeal to Tyre, Sidon
and Byblos, and exported it to every city on the Mediterranean; they were
the middlemen, not the producers, of the alphabet. By the time of Homer
the Greeks were taking over this Phoenician or the allied Aramaic alpha-
bet, and were calling it by the Semitic names of the first two letters
(Alpha, Beta; Hebrew Aleph, Beth). m
Writing seems to be a product and convenience of commerce; here
again culture may see how much it owes to trade. When the priests de-
vised a system of pictures with which to write their magical, ceremonial
and medical formulas, the secular and clerical strains in history, usually
in conflict, merged for a moment to produce the greatest human invention
since the coming of speech. The development of writing almost created
civilization by providing a means for the recording and transmission of
knowledge, the accumulation of science, the growth of literature, and the
spread of peace and order among varied but communicating tribes brought
by one language under a single state. The earliest appearance of writing
marks that ever-receding point at which history begins.
3. Lost Civilizations
Polynesia "Atlantis"
In approaching now the history of civilized nations we must note that
not only shall we be selecting a mere fraction of each culture for our
study, but we shall be describing perhaps a minority of the civilizations that
have probably existed on the earth. We cannot entirely ignore the legends,
current throughout history, of civilizations once great and cultured, de-
stroyed by some catastrophe of nature or war, and leaving not a wrack
CHAP. Vl) THE BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION IOJ
behind; our recent exhuming of the civilizations of Crete, Sumeria and
Yucatan indicates how true such tales may be.
The Pacific contains the ruins of at least one of these lost civiliza-
tions. The gigantic statuary of Easter Island, the Polynesian tradition of
powerful nations and heroic warriors once ennobling Samoa and Tahiti,
the artistic ability and poetic sensitivity of their present inhabitants, indi-
cate a glory departed, a people not rising to civilization but fallen from
a high estate. And in the Atlantic, from Iceland to the South Pole, the
raised central bed of the oceans* lends some support to the legend so
fascinatingly transmitted to us by Plato, 88 of a civilization that once flour-
ished on an island continent between Europe and Asia, and was suddenly
lost when a geological convulsion swallowed that continent into the sea.
Schliemann, the resurrector of Troy, believed that Atlantis had served as
a mediating link between the cultures of Europe and Yucatan, and that
Egyptian civilization had been brought from Atlantis.* Perhaps America
itself was Atlantis, and some pre-Mayan culture may have been in touch
with Africa and Europe in neolithic times. Possibly every discovery is a
rediscovery.
Certainly it is probable, as Aristotle thought, that many civilizations
came, made great inventions and luxuries, were destroyed, and lapsed from
human memory. History, said Bacon, is the planks of a shipwreck; more
of the past is lost than has been saved. We console ourselves with the
thought that as the individual memory must forget the greater part of
experience in order to be sane, so the race has preserved in its heritage
only the most vivid and impressive- or is it only the best-recorded? of
its cultural experiments. Even if that racial heritage were but one tenth
as rich as it is, no one could possibly absorb it all. We shall find the story
full enough.
4. Cradles of Civilization
Central Asia Anau Lines of Dispersion
It is fitting that this chapter of unanswerable questions should end with
the query, "Where did civilization begin?" which is also unanswerable.
If we may trust the geologists, who deal with prehistoric mists as airy as
* A submarine plateau, from 2000 to 3000 metres below the surface, runs north and
south through the mid-Atlantic, surrounded on both sides by "deeps" of 5000 to 6000
metres.
108 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VI
any metaphysics, the arid regions of central Asia were once moist and tem-
perate, nourished with great lakes and abundant streams. 70 The recession
of the last ice wave slowly dried up this area, until the rainfall was insuffi-
cient to support towns and states. City after city was abandoned as men
fled west and east, north and south, in search of water; half buried in the
desert lie ruined cities like Bactra, which must have held a teeming popu-
lation within its twenty-two miles of circumference. As late as 1868 some
80,000 inhabitants of western Turkestan were forced to migrate because
their district was being inundated by the moving sand. 71 There are many
who believe that these now dying regions saw the first substantial develop-
ment of that vague complex of order and provision, manners and morals,
comfort and culture, which constitutes civilization. 71
In 1907 Pumpelly unearthed at Anau, in southern Turkestan, pottery
and other remains of a culture which he has ascribed to 9000 B.C., with a
possible exaggeration of four thousand years. 78 Here we find the cultiva-
tion of wheat, barley and millet, the use of copper, the domestication of
animals, and the ornamentation of pottery in styles so conventionalized as
to suggest an artistic background and tradition of many centuries. 74 Ap-
parently the culture of Turkestan was already very old in 5000 B.C. Per-
haps it had historians who delved into its past in a vain search for the
origins of civilization, and philosophers who eloquently mourned the de-
generation of a dying race.
From this center, if we may imagine where we cannot know, a people
driven by a rainless sky and betrayed by a desiccated earth migrated in
three directions, bringing their arts and civilization with them. The arts, if
not the race, reached eastward to China, Manchuria and North America;
southward to northern India; westward to Elam, Sumeria, Egypt, even to
Italy and Spain." At Susa, in ancient Elam (modern Persia), remains have
been found so similar in type to those at Anau that the re-creative imagina-
tion is almost justified in presuming cultural communication between Susa
and Anau at the dawn of civilization (ca. 4000 B.C.). 70 A like kinship of
early arts and products suggests a like relationship and continuity be-
tween prehistoric Mesopotamia and Egypt.
We cannot be sure which of these cultures came first, and it does not
much matter; they were in essence of one family and one type. If we
violate honored precedents here and place Elam and Sumeria before Egypt,
it is from no vainglory of unconventional innovation, but rather because
CHAP. Vl) THE BEGINNINGS OF CIVILIZATION 109
the age of these Asiatic civilizations, compared with those of Africa and
Europe, grows as our knowledge of them deepens. As the spades of
archeology, after a century of victorious inquiry along the Nile, pass
across Suez into Arabia, Palestine, Mesopotamia and Persia, it becomes
more probable with every year of accumulating research that it was the
rich delta of Mesopotamia's rivers that saw the earliest known scenes in
the historic drama of civilization.
BOOK ONE
THE NEAR EAST
"At that time the gods called me, Hammurabi, the
servant whose deeds arc pleasing, .... who helped
his people in time of need, who brought about plenty
and abundance, .... to prevent the strong from op-
pressing the weak, .... to enlighten the land and
further the welfare of the people."
Code of Hammurabi, Prologue.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF NEAR EASTERN HISTORY*
B. c . EGYPT
18000: Nile Paleolithic Culture
i oooo : Nile Neolithic Culture
5000: Nile Bronze Culture
4241: Egyptian Calendar appears (?)
4000: Badarian Culture
3500-2631: A. THE OLD KINGDOM;
3500-3100: I-III Dynasties
3100-2965: IV Dynasty: the Pyramids
3098-3075: Khufu ("Cheops" of Herodotus)
3067-3011: Khafrc ("Chcphren")
3011-2988: Alenkaure ("Alycerinus")
2965-2631: V-VI Dynasties
2738-2644: Pepi II (longest reign known)
The Feudal Age
B.C.
WESTERN ASIA
2631-2212:
2375-1800:
2212-2000:
2212-2192:
2192-2157:
2099-2061:
2061-2013:
1800-1600:
1580-1100:
1580-1322:
1545-1514:
1514-1501:
1501-1479:
1479-1447:
1412-1376:
1400-1360
1380-1362
1360-1350:
1346-1210
1346-1322:
1321-1300.
1300-1233:
1233-1223.
1214-1210*
1205-1100
1204-1172:
1100-947:
40000: Paleolithic Culture in Palestine
9000: Bronze Culture in Turkestan
4500: Civilization in Susa and Kish
3800: Civilization in Crete
3638: III Dynasty of Kish
3600: Civilization in Sumeria
3200: Dynasty of Akshak in Sumeria
3100: Ur-nina, first (?) King of Lagash
3089: IV Dynasty of Kish
2903: King Urukagina reforms Lagash
2897: Lugal-zaggisi conquers Lagash
2872-2817: Sargon I unites Sumcria &
Akkad
2795-2739: Narnm-sin, King of Sumeria &
Akkad
2600 Gudca King of Lagash
2474-2398: Golden Age of Ur; ist code of
laws
2357 Sack of Ur by the Elamites
2169-1926: 1 Babylonian Dynasty
2123-2081: Hammurabi King of Babylon
2117-2094: Hammurabi conquers Sumeria &
El am
1926-1703 II Babylonian Dynasty
1900 I littitc Civilization appears
iSoo: Civilization in Palestine
1746-1169: Kassitc Domination in Babylonia
1716 Rise of Assyria under Shamshi-
Adad II
1650-1220: Jewish Bondage in Egypt (?)
1600-1360: Egyptian Domination of Pales-
tine & Syria
1550: The Civilization of Mitanni
1461: Burra-Buriash I King of Baby-
lonia
: Age of the Tell-el-Amarna Correspondence; Revolt of Western Asia against Egypt
A ,! _ I\T /TI.I .. \ 1276: Shalmaneser I unifies Assyria
1200: Conquest of Canaan by the Jews
1115-1102: Tiglath-Pilcscr I extends Assyria
1025-1010: Saul King of the Jews
1010-974: David King of the Jews
1000-600: Golden Age of Phoenicia &
Syria
974-937: Solomon King of the Jews
937: Schism of the Jews: Judah &
Israel
884-859: Ashurnasirpal II King of Assyria
B. THE MIDDLE KINGDOM
XII Dynasty
Amenemhct I
Senusret ("Sesostris") I
Senusret III
Amencmhet III
The Hyksos Domination
C. THE EMPIRE
XVIII Dynasty
Thutmosc I
Thutmose II
Queen Hatshepsut
Thutmose III
Amenhotep III
Amenhotcp IV (Ikhnaton)
Tutenkhamon
XIX Dynasty
Harmhab
Seti I
Ramescs II
Merneptah
Seti II
XX Dynasty: the Ramessid Kings
Ramescs III
XXI Dynasty: the Libyan Kings
* All dates are B.C., and are approximate before 663 B.C. In the case of rulers the dates
are of their reignb, not of their lives.
"3
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
B .C. EGYPT
947-720: XXII Dynasty: the Bubastite
Kings
947-925: Sheshonk I
925-889: Osorkon I
880-850: Osorkon II
850-825: Sheshonk II
821-769: Sheshonk HI
763-725: Sheshonk IV
850-745: XXIII Dynasty: The Theban
Kings
725-663: XXIV Dynasty: The Memphitc
Kings
745-663: XXV Dynasty: The Ethiopian
Kings
689-663: Taharka
685: Commercial Revival of Egypt
674-650: Assyrian Occupation of Egypt
663-525: XXVI Dynasty: the Sai'te Kings
663-609: Psamtik ("Psammctichos") I
663-525: Saite Revival of Egyptian Art
615: Jews begin to colonize Egypt
609-593: Niku ("Necho") II
605: Niku begins the Hellenization
of Egypt
593-588: Psamtik II
B. c . WESTERN ASIA
859-824: Shalmaneser III King of Assyria
811-808: Sammuramat ("Semiramis") in
Assyria
785-700: Golden Age of Armenia
("Urartu")
745-727: Tiglath-Pileser HI
732-722: Assyria takes Damascus &
Samaria
722-705: Sargon II King of Assyria
709: Dcioces King of the Medes
705-681: Sennacherib King of Assyria
702: The First Isaiah
689: Sennacherib sacks Babylon
681-669: Esarhaddon King of Assyria
669-626: Ashurbanipal ("Sardanapalus")
King of Assyria
660-583: Zarathustra ("Zoroaster")?
652: Gygcs King of Lydia
640-584: Cyaxares King of the Medes
639: Fall of Susa; end of Elam
639: Josiah King of the Jews
625: Nabopolassar restores independ-
ence of Babylon
621: Beginnings of the Pentateuch
612: Fall of Nineveh; end of Assyria
610-561: Alyattes King of Lydia
605-562: Nebuchadrezzar II King of
Babylonia
600: Jeremiah at Jerusalem; coinage
in Lydia
597-586: Nebuchadrezzar takes Jerusalem
586-538: Jewish Captivity in Babylon
114
OF NEAR EASTERN HISTORY
B.C.
EGYPT
569-526: Ahmose ("Amasis") II
568-567: Nebuchadrezzar II invades Egypt
560: Growing Influence of Greece in
Egypt
526-525: Psamtik III
525: Persian Conquest of Egypt
485: Revolt of Egypt against Persia
484: Reconqucst of Egypt by Xerxes
482: Egypt joins with Persia in war
against Greece
455: Failure of Athenian Expedition
to Egypt
332: Greek Conquest of Egypt;
foundation of Alexandria
283-30: The Ptolemaic Kings
30: Egypt absorbed into the Roman
Empire
B . c . WESTERN ASIA
580: Ezekiel in Babylon
570-546: Croesus King of Lydia
555-529: Cyrus I King of the Medes & the
Persians
546: Cyrus takes Sardis
540: The Second Isaiah
539: Cyrus takes Babylon & creates
the Persian Empire
529-522: Cambyses King of Persia
521-485: Darius I King of Persia
520: Building of 2nd Temple at Jeru-
salem
490: Battle of Marathon
485-464: Xerxes I King of Persia
480: Battle of Salamis
464-423: Artaxcrxcs I King of Persia
450: The Book of Job (?)
444: Ezra at Jerusalem
423-404: Darius II King of Persia
404-359: Artaxerxes II King of Persia
401: Cyrus the Younger defeated at
Cunaxa
359-338: Ochus King of Persia
338-330: Darius III King of Persia
334: Battle of the Granicus; Alex-
ander enters Jerusalem
333: Battle of Issus
331: Alexander takes Babylon
330: Battle of Arbela; the Near East
becomes part of Alexander's
Empire
CHAPTER VII
Sumeria
Orient-ation Contributions of the Near East to Western
civilization
WRITTEN history is at least six thousand years old. During half of
this period the center of human affairs, so far as they are now known
to us, was in the Near East. By this vague term we shall mean here all
southwestern Asia south of Russia and the Black Sea, and west of India
and Afghanistan; still more loosely, we shall include within it Egypt, too,
as anciently bound up with the Near East in one vast web and communicat-
ing complex of Oriental civilization. In this rough theatre of teeming
peoples and conflicting cultures were developed the agriculture and com-
merce, the horse and wagon, the coinage and letters of credit, the crafts
and industries, the law and government, the mathematics and medicine,
the enemas and drainage systems, the geometry and astronomy, the calen-
dar and clock and zodiac, the alphabet and writing, the paper and ink, the
books and libraries and schools, the literature and music, the sculpture and
architecture, the glazed pottery and fine furniture, the monotheism and
monogamy, the cosmetics and jewelry, the checkers and dice, the ten-pins
and income-tax, the wet-nurses and beer, from which our own European
and American culture derive by a continuous succession through the medi-
ation of Crete and Greece and Rome. The "Aryans" did not establish
civilizationthey took it from Babylonia and Egypt. Greece did not begin
civilization it inherited far more civilization than it began; it was the
spoiled heir of three millenniums of arts and sciences brought to its cities
from the Near East by the fortunes of trade and war. In studying and
honoring the Near East we shall be acknowledging a debt long due to
the real founders of European and American civilization.
116
CHAP. VIl) SUMERIA 117
I. ELAM
The culture of Susa The potter's wheel The wagon-wheel
If the reader will look at a map of Persia, and will run his finger north
along the Tigris from the Persian Gulf to Amara, and then east across the
Iraq border to the modern town of Shushan, he will have located the site
of the ancient city of Susa, center of a region known to the Jews as Elam
the high land. In this narrow territory, protected on the west by marshes,
and on the east by the mountains that shoulder the great Iranian Plateau,
a people of unknown race and origin developed one of the first historic
civilizations. Here, a generation ago, French archeologists found human
remains dating back 20,000 years, and evidences of an advanced culture
as old as 4500 B.C.* 1
Apparently the Elamites had recently emerged from a nomad life of
hunting and fishing; but already they had copper weapons and tools, cul-
tivated grains and domesticated animals, hieroglyphic writing and business
documents, mirrors and jewelry, and a trade that reached from Egypt to
India. 8 In the midst of chipped flints that bring us back to the Neolithic
Age we find finished vases elegantly rounded and delicately painted with
geometric designs, or with picturesque representations of animals and
plants; some of this pottery is ranked among the finest ever made by
man. 4 Here is the oldest appearance not only of the potter's wheel but of
the wagon wheel; this modest but vital vehicle of civilization is found only
later in Babylonia, and still later in Egypt. 6 From these already complex
beginnings the Elamites rose to troubled power, conquering Sumeria
and Babylon, and being conquered by them, turn by turn. The city of
Susa survived six thousand years of history, lived through the imperial
zeniths of Sumeria, Babylonia, Egypt, Assyria, Persia, Greece and Rome,
and flourished, under the name of Shushan, as late as the fourteenth
century of our era. At various times it grew to great wealth; when
Ashurbanipal captured and sacked it (646 B.C.) his historians recounted
without understatement the varied booty of gold and silver, precious
stones and royal ornaments, costly garments and regal furniture, cosmetics
and chariots, which the conqueror brought in his train to Nineveh. His-
tory so soon began its tragic alternance of art and war.
* Professor Breasted believes that the antiquity of this culture, and that of Anau, has
been exaggerated by DC Morgan, Pumpelly and other students. 2
Il8 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VII
II. THE SUMERIANS
1. The Historical Background
The exhuming of Sumeria Geography Race Appearance
The Sumerian Flood The kings An ancient reformer
-Sargon of Akkad-The Golden Age of Ur
If we return to our map and follow the combined Tigris and Euphrates
from the Persian Gulf to where these historic streams diverge (at mod-
ern Kurna), and then follow the Euphrates westward, we shall find, north
and south of it, the buried cities of ancient Sumeria: Eridu (now Abu
Shahrein), Ur (now Mukayyar), Uruk (Biblical Erech, now Warka),
Larsa (Biblical Ellasar, now Senkereh), Lagash (now Shippurla), Nippur
(Niffer) and Nisin. Follow the Euphrates northwest to Babylon, once the
most famous city of Mesopotamia (the land "between the rivers"); ob-
serve, directly east of it, Kish, site of the oldest culture known in this
region; then pass some sixty miles farther up the Euphrates to Agade, cap-
ital, in ancient days, of the Kingdom of Akkad. The early history of
Mesopotamia is in one aspect the struggle of the non-Semitic peoples of
Sumeria to preserve their independence against the expansion and inroads
of the Semites from Kish and Agade and other centers in the north. In
the midst of their struggles these varied stocks unconsciously, perhaps
unwillingly, cooperated to produce the first extensive civilization known
to history, and one of the most creative and unique.*
Despite much research we cannot tell of what race the Sumerians were,
nor by what route they entered Sumeria. Perhaps they came from central
*The unearthing of this forgotten culture is one of the romances of archeology. To
those whom, with a poor sense of the amplitude of time, we call "the ancients" that is,
to the Romans, the Greeks and the Jews Sumeria was unknown. Herodotus apparently
never heard of it; if he did, he ignored it, as something more ancient to him than he to
us. Bcrosus, a Babylonian historian writing about 250 B.C., knew of Sumeria only through
the veil of a legend. He described a race of monsters, led by one Oannes, coming out of
the Persian Gulf, and introducing the arts of agriculture, metal-working, and writing; "all
the things that make for the amelioration of life," he declares, "were bequeathed to men
by Oannes, and since that time no further inventions have been made." 8 Not till two
thousand years after Bcrosus was Sumeria rediscovered. In 1850 Hincks recognized that
cuneiform writing made by pressing a wedge-pointed stylus upon soft clay, and used in
the Semitic languages of the Near East-had been borrowed from an earlier people with a
largely non-Semitic speech; and Oppert gave to this hypothetical people the name
CHAP. VIl) SUMERIA
Asia, or the Caucasus, or Armenia, and moved through northern Mesopo-
tamia down the Euphrates and the Tigris along which, as at Ashur, evidences
of their earliest culture have been found; perhaps, as the legend says, they
sailed in from the Persian Gulf, from Egypt or elsewhere, and slowly made
their way up the great rivers; perhaps they came from Susa, among whose
relics is an asphalt head bearing all the characteristics of the Sumerian type;
perhaps, even, they were of remote Mongolian origin, for there is much in
their language that resembles the Mongol speech." We do not know.
The remains show them as a short and stocky people, with high, straight,
non-Semitic nose, slightly receding forehead and downward-sloping eyes.
Many wore beards, some were clean-shaven, most of them shaved the upper
lip. They clothed themselves in fleece and finely woven wool; the women
draped the garment from the left shoulder, the men bound it at the waist
and left the upper half of the body bare. Later the male dress crept up
towards the neck with the advance of civilization, but servants, male and
female, while indoors, continued to go naked from head to waist. The head
was usually covered with a cap, and the feet were shod with sandals; but
well-to-do women had shoes of soft leather, heel-less, and laced like our
own. Bracelets, necklaces, anklets, finger-rings and ear-rings made the women
of Sumeria, as recently in America, show-windows of their husbands' pros-
perity. 10
When their civilization was already old about 2300 B.C. the poets and
scholars of Sumeria tried to reconstruct its ancient history. The poets wrote
legends of a creation, a primitive Paradise and a terrible flood that engulfed
and destroyed it because of the sin of an ancient king. 11 This flood passed
down into Babylonian and Hebrew tradition, and became part of the Chris-
tian creed. In 1929 Professor Woolley, digging into the ruins of Ur, dis-
covered, at considerable depth, an eight-foot layer of silt and clay; this, if
we are to believe him, was deposited during a catastrophic overflow of the
"Sumerian." 7 About the same time Rawlinson and his aides found, among Babylonian ruins,
tablets containing vocabularies of this ancient tongue, with interlinear translations, in
modern college style, from the older language into Babylonian. 8 In 1854 two Englishmen
uncovered the sites of Ur, Eridu and Uruk; at the end of the nineteenth century French
explorers revealed the remains of Lagash, including tablets recording the history of the
Sumerian kings; and in our own time Professor Woolley of the University of Pennsyl-
vania, and many others, have exhumed the primeval city of Ur, where the Sumerians
appear to have reached civilization by 4500 B.C. So the students of many nations have
worked together on this chapter of that endless mystery story in which the detectives are
archeologists and the prey is historic truth. Nevertheless, there has been as yet only a
beginning of research in Sumeria; there is no telling what vistas of civilization and history
will be opened up when the ground has been worked, and the mateml studied, as men
have worked and studied in Egypt during the last one hundred years.
120 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VII
Euphrates, which lingered in later memory as the Flood. Beneath that layer
were the remains of a prediluvian culture that would later be pictured by
the poets as a Golden Age.
Meanwhile the priest-historians sought to create a past spacious enough for
the development of all the marvels of Sumerian civilization. They formu-
lated lists of their ancient kings, extending the dynasties before the Flood to
432,000 years-," and told such impressive stories of two of these rulers,
Tammuz and Gilgamesh, that the latter became the hero of the greatest poem
in Babylonian literature, and Tammuz passed down into the pantheon of
Babylon and became the Adonis of the Greeks. Perhaps the priests ex-
aggerated a little the antiquity of their civilization. We may vaguely judge
the age of Sumerian culture by observing that the ruins of Nippur are
found to a depth of sixty-six feet, of which almost as many feet extend
below the remains of Sargon of Akkad as rise above it to the topmost
stratum (ca. i A.D.);" on this basis Nippur would go back to 5262 B.C. Ten-
acious dynasties of city-kings seem to have flourished at Kish ca. 4500 B.C.,
and at Ur ca. 3500 B.C. In the competition of these two primeval centers
we have the first form of that opposition between Semite and non-Semite
which was to be one bloody theme of Near-Eastern history from the
Semitic ascendancy of Kish and the conquests of the Semitic kings Sargon I
and Hammurabi, through the capture of Babylon by the "Aryan" generals
Cyrus and Alexander in the sixth and fourth centuries before Christ, and the
conflicts of Crusaders and Saracens for the Holy Sepulchre and the emolu-
ments of trade, down to the efforts of the British Government to dominate
and pacify the divided Semites of the Near East today.
From 3000 B.C. onward the clay-tablet records kept by the priests, and
found in the ruins of Ur, present a reasonably accurate account of the ac-
cessions and coronations, uninterrupted victories and sublime deaths of the
petty kings who ruled the city-states of Ur, Lagash, Uruk, and the rest; the
writing of history and the partiality of historians are very ancient things.
One king, Urukagina of Lagash, was a royal reformer, an enlightened
despot who issued decrees aimed at the exploitation of the poor by the
rich, and of everybody by the priests. The high priest, says one edict, must
no longer "come into the garden of a poor mother and take wood there-
from, nor gather tax in fruit therefrom"; burial-fees were to be cut to
one-fifth of what they had been; and the clergy and high officials were
forbidden to share among themselves the revenues and cattle offered to
the gods. It was the King's boast that he "gave liberty to his people"; 14
CHAP. VIl) SUMERIA 121
and surely the tablets that preserve his decrees reveal to us the oldest,
briefest and justest code of laws in history.
This lucid interval was ended normally by one Lugal-zaggisi, who
invaded Lagash, overthrew Urukagina, and sacked the city at the height
of its prosperity. The temples were destroyed, the citizens were mas-
sacred in the streets, and the statues of the gods were led away in ignomin-
ious bondage. One of the earliest poems in existence is a clay tablet,
apparently 4800 years old, on which the Sumerian poet Dingiraddamu
mourns for the raped goddess of Lagash:
For the city, alas, the treasures, my soul doth sigh,
For my city Girsu (Lagash), alas, the treasures, my soul doth sigh.
In holy Girsu the children are in distress.
Into the interior of the splendid shrine he (the invader) pressed;
The august Queen from her temple he brought forth.
O Lady of my city, desolated, when wilt thou return?"
We pass by the bloody Lugal-zaggisi, and other Sumerian kings of
mighty name: Lugal-shagengur, Lugal-kigub-nidudu, Ninigi-dubti, Lugal-
andanukhunga. . . . Meanwhile another people, of Semitic race, had built
the kingdom of Akkad under the leadership of Sargon I, and had estab-
lished its capital at Agade some two hundred miles northwest of the
Sumerian city-states. A monolith found at Susa portrays Sargon armed
with the dignity of a majestic beard, and dressed in all the pride of long
authority. His origin was not royal: history could find no father for him,
and no other mother than a temple prostitute. 18 Sumerian legend composed
for him an autobiography quite Mosaic in its beginning: "My humble
mother conceived me; in secret she brought me forth. She placed me in
a basket-boat of rushes; with pitch she closed my door." 17 Rescued by a
workman, he became a cup-bearer to the king, grew in favor and influence,
rebelled, displaced his master, and mounted the throne of Agade. He
called himself "King of Universal Dominion," and ruled a small portion
of Mesopotamia. Historians call him "the Great," for he invaded many
cities, captured much booty, and killed many men. Among his victims
was that same Lugal-zaggisi who had despoiled Lagash and violated its
goddess; him Sargon defeated and carried off to Nippur in chains. East
and west, north and south the mighty warrior marched, conquering Elam,
washing his weapons in symbolic triumph in the Persian Gulf, crossing
122 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VII
western Asia, reaching the Mediterranean, 18 and establishing the first great
empire in history. For fifty-five years he held sway, while legends gath-
ered about him and prepared to make him a god. His reign closed with
all his empire in revolt.
Three sons succeeded him in turn. The third, Naram-sin, was a mighty
builder, of whose works nothing remains but a lovely stele, or memorial
slab, recording his victory over an obscure king. This powerful relief,
found by De Morgan at Susa in 1897, and now a treasure of the Louvre,
shows a muscular Naram-sin armed with bow and dart, stepping with
royal dignity upon the bodies of his fallen foes, and apparently prepared
to answer with quick death the appeal of the vanquished for mercy; while
between them another victim, pierced through the neck with an arrow,
falls dying. Behind them tower the Zagros Mountains; and on one hill
is the record, in elegant cuneiform, of Naram-sin's victory. Here the art
of carving is already adult and confident, already guided and strengthened
with a long tradition.
To be burned to the ground is not always a lasting misfortune for a
city; it is usually an advantage from the standpoint of architecture and
sanitation. By the twenty-sixth century B.C. we find Lagash flourishing
again, now under another enlightened monarch, Gudea, whose stocky
statues are the most prominent remains of Sumerian sculpture. The diorite
figure in the Louvre shows him in a pious posture, with his head crossed
by a heavy band resembling a model of the Colosseum, hands folded in
his lap, bare shoulders and feet, and short, chubby legs covered by a bell-
like skirt embroidered with a volume of hieroglyphics. The strong but
regular features reveal a man thoughtful and just, firm and yet refined.
Gudea was honored by his people not as a warrior but as a Sumerian
Aurelius, devoted to religion, literature and good works; he built temples,
promoted the study of classical antiquities in the spirit of the expeditions
that unearthed him, and tempered the strength of the strong in mercy
to the weak. One of his inscriptions reveals the policy for which his people
worshiped him, after his death, as a god: "During seven years the maid-
servant was the equal of her mistress, the slave walked beside his master,
and in my town the weak rested by the side of the strong." 10
Meanwhile "Ur of the Chaldees" was having one of the most pros-
perous epochs in its long career from 3,500 B.C. (the apparent age of its
oldest graves) to 700 B.C. Its greatest king, Ur-engur, brought all
CHAP.VIl) SUMERIA 123
western Asia under his pacific sway, and proclaimed for all Sumeria the
first extensive code of laws in history. "By the laws of righteousness of
Shamash forever I established justice." 80 As Ur grew rich by the trade that
flowed through it on the Euphrates, Ur-engur, like Pericles, beautified
his city with temples, and built lavishly in the subject cities of Larsa, Uruk
and Nippur. His son Dungi continued his work through a reign of fifty-
eight years, and ruled so wisely that the people deified him as the god
who had brought back their ancient Paradise.
But soon that glory faded. The warlike Elamites from the East and
the rising Amorites from the West swept down upon the leisure, pros-
perity and peace of Ur, captured its king, and sacked the city with primi-
tive thoroughness. The poets of Ur sang sad chants about the rape of
the statue of Ishtar, their beloved mother-goddess, torn from her shrine
by profane invaders. The form of these poems is unexpectedly first-
personal, and the style does not please the sophisticated ear; but across
the four thousand years that separate us from the Sumerian singer we
feel the desolation of his city and his people.
Me the foe hath ravished, yea, with hands unwashed;
Me his hands have ravished, made me die of terror.
Oh, I am wretched! Naught of reverence hath he!
Stripped me of my robes, and clothed therein his consort,
Tore my jewels from me, therewith decked his daughter.
(Now) I tread his courts my very person sought he
In the shrines. Alas, the day when to go forth I trembled.
He pursued me in my temple; he made me quake with fear,
There within my walls; and like a dove that fluttering percheth
On a rafter, like a flitting owlet in a cavern hidden,
Birdlike from my shrine he chased me,
From my city like a bird he chased me, me sighing,
"Far behind, behind me is my temple." 11
So for two hundred years, which to our self-centered eyes seem but
an empty moment, Elam and Amor ruled Sumeria. Then from the north
came the great Hammurabi, King of Babylon; retook from the Elamites
Uruk and Isin; bided his time for twenty-three years; invaded Elam and
captured its king; established his sway over Amor and distant Assyria,
built an empire of unprecedented power, and disciplined it with a universal
124 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VII
law. For many centuries now, until the rise of Persia, the Semites would
rule the Land between the Rivers. Of the Sumerians nothing more is
heard; their little chapter in the book of history was complete.
2. Economic Life
The soil Industry Trade Classes Science
But Sumerian civilization remained. Sumer and Akkad still produced
handicraftsmen, poets, artists, sages and saints; the culture of the southern
cities passed north along the Euphrates and the Tigris to Babylonia and
Assyria as the initial heritage of Mesopotamian civilization.
At the basis of this culture was a soil made fertile by the annual over-
flow of rivers swollen with the winter rains. The overflow was perilous
as well as useful; the Sumerians learned to channel it safely through irri-
gating canals that ribbed and crossed their land; and they commemorated
those early dangers by legends that told of a flood, and how at last the
land had been separated from the waters, and mankind had been saved. 38
This irrigation system, dating from 4000 B.C., was one of the great achieve-
ments of Sumerian civilization, and certainly its foundation. Out of these
carefully watered fields came abounding crops of corn, barley, spelt,
dates, and many vegetables. The plough appeared early, drawn by oxen
as even with us until yesterday, and already furnished with a tubular seed-
drill. The gathered harvest was threshed by drawing over it great sledges
of wood armed with flint teeth that cut the straw for the cattle and
released the grain for men. 84
It was in many ways a primitive culture. The Sumerians made some
use of copper and tin, and occasionally mixed them to produce bronze;
now and then they went so far as to make large implements of iron.*
But metal was still a luxury and a rarity. Most Sumerian tools were of
flint; some, like the sickles for cutting the barley, were of clay; and cer-
tain finer articles, such as needles and awls, used ivory and bone. 98 Weav-
ing was done on a large scale under the supervision of overseers appointed
by the king,* 7 after the latest fashion of governmentally controlled industry.
Houses were made of reeds, usually plastered with an adobe mixture of
clay and straw moistened with water and hardened by the sun; such dwell-
ings are still easy to find in what was once Sumeria. The hut had wooden
doors, revolving upon socket hinges of stone. The floors were ordinarily
CHAP. VIl) SUMERIA 125
the beaten earth; the roofs were arched by bending the reeds together
at the top, or were made flat with mud-covered reeds stretched over
crossbeams of wood. Cows, sheep, goats and pigs roamed about the
dwelling in primeval comradeship with man. Water for drinking was
drawn from wells. 28
Goods were carried chiefly by water. Since stone was rare in Sumeria
it was brought up the Gulf or down the rivers, and then through numerous
canals to the quays of the cities. But land transportation was developing;
at Kish the Oxford Field Expedition unearthed some of the oldest wheeled
vehicles known." Here and there in the ruins are business seals bearing
indications of traffic with Egypt and India. 80 There was no coinage yet,
and trade was normally by barter; but gold and silver were already in use
as standards of value, and were often accepted in exchange for goods
sometimes in the form of ingots and rings of definite worth, but generally
in quantities measured by weight in each transaction. Many of the clay
tablets that have brought down to us fragments of Sumerian writing are
business documents, revealing a busy commercial life. One tablet speaks,
with fin-de-siecle weariness, of "the city, where the tumult of man is."
Contracts had to be confirmed in writing and duly witnessed. A system
of credit existed by which goods, gold or silver might be borrowed, interest
to be paid in the same material as the loan, and at rates ranging from 15
to 33% per annum. 31 Since the stability of a society may be partly mea-
sured by inverse relation with the rate of interest, we may suspect that
Sumerian business, like ours, lived in an atmosphere of economic and po-
litical uncertainty and doubt.
Gold and silver have been found abundantly in the tombs, not only
as jewelry, but as vessels, weapons, ornaments, even as tools. Rich and
poor were stratified into many classes and gradations; slavery was highly
developed, and property rights were already sacred. 81 Between the rich
and the poor a middle class took form, composed of small-business men,
scholars, physicians and priests. Medicine flourished, and had a specific
for every disease; but it was still bound up with theology, and admitted
that sickness, being due to possession by evil spirits, could never be cured
without the exorcising of these demons. A calendar of uncertain age and
origin divided the year into lunar months, adding a month every three or
four years to reconcile the calendar with the seasons and the sun. Each
city gave its own names to the months. 88
126 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VII
3. Government
The kings Ways of war The feudal barons Law
Indeed each city, as long as it could, maintained a jealous independence,
and indulged itself in a private king. It called him patesi, or priest-king,
indicating by the very word that government was bound up with religion.
By 2800 B.C. the growth of trade made such municipal separatism im-
possible, and generated "empires" in which some dominating personality
subjected the cities and their patesis to his power, and wove them into
an economic and political unity. The despot lived in a Renaissance atmos-
phere of violence and fear; at any moment he might be despatched by
the same methods that had secured him the throne. He dwelt in an in-
accessible palace, whose two entrances were so narrow as to admit only
one person at a time; to the right and left were recesses from which secret
guards could examine every visitor, or pounce upon him with daggers. 84
Even the king's temple was private, hidden away in his palace, so that he
might perform his religious duties without exposure, or neglect them
inconspicuously.
The king went to battle in a chariot, leading a motley host armed with
bows, arrows and spears. The wars were waged frankly for commercial
routes and goods, without catchwords as a sop for idealists. King Manish-
tusu of Akkad announced frankly that he was invading Elam to get control
of its silver mines, and to secure diorite stone to immortalize himself with
statuary the only instance known of a war fought for the sake of art.
The defeated were customarily sold into slavery; or, if this was unprofit-
able, they were slaughtered on the battlefield. Sometimes a tenth of the
prisoners, struggling vainly in a net, were offered as living victims to the
thirsty gods. As in Renaissance Italy, the chauvinistic separatism of the
cities stimulated life and art, but led to civic violence and suicidal strife
that weakened each petty state, and at last destroyed Sumeria. 88
In the empires social order was maintained through a feudal system.
After a successful war the ruler gave tracts of land to his valiant chieftains,
and exempted such estates from taxation; these men kept order in their
territories, and provided soldiers and supplies for the exploits of the king.
The finances of the government were obtained by taxes in kind, stored
in royal warehouses, and distributed as pay to officials and employees of
the state.* 8
CHAP.VIl) SUMERIA 127
To this system of royal and feudal administration was added a body of
law, already rich with precedents when Ur-engur and Dungi codified the
statutes of Ur; this was the fountainhead of Hammurabi's famous code.
It was cruder and simpler than later legislation, but less severe: where, for
example, the Semitic code killed a woman for adultery, the Sumerian code
merely allowed the husband to take a second wife, and reduce the first
to a subordinate position." The law covered commercial as well as sexual
relations, and regulated all loans and contracts, all buying and selling, all
adoptions and bequests. Courts of justice sat in the temples, and the judges
were for the most part priests; professional judges presided over a superior
court. The best element in this code was a plan for avoiding litigation:
every case was first submitted to a public arbitrator whose duty it was
to bring about an amicable settlement without recourse to law. 88 It is a poor
civilization from which we may not learn something to improve our own.
4. Religion and Morality
The Sumerian Pantheon The food of the gods Mythology
Education A Sumerian prayer Temple prostitutes The
rights of woman Sumerian cos-metics
King Ur-engur proclaimed his code of laws in the name of the great
god Shamash, for government had so soon discovered the political utility
of heaven. Having been found useful, the gods became innumerable;
every city and state, every human activity, had some inspiring and dis-
ciplinary divinity. Sun-worship, doubtless already old when Sumeria be-
gan, expressed itself in the cult of Shamash, "light of the gods," who
passed the night in the depths of the north, until Dawn opened its gates
for him; then he mounted the sky like a flame, driving his chariot over
the steeps of the firmament; the sun was merely a wheel of his fiery car. 18
Nippur built great temples to the god Enlil and his consort Ninlil; Uruk
worshiped especially the virgin earth-goddess Innini, known to the Semites
of Akkad as Ishtar the loose and versatile Aphrodite-Demeter of the Near
East. Kish and Lagash worshiped a Mat er Dolorosa, the sorrowful mother-
goddess Ninkarsag, who, grieved with the unhappiness of men, interceded
for them with sterner deities. 40 Ningirsu was the god of irrigation, the
"Lord of Floods"; Abu or Tammuz was the god of vegetation. Even Sin
was a godof the moon; he was represented in human form with a thin
128 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VII
crescent about his head, presaging the halos of medieval saints. The air
was full of spiritsbeneficent angels, one each as protector to every
Sumerian, and demons or devils who sought to expel the protective deity
and take possession of body and soul.
Most of the gods lived in the temples, where they were provided by
the faithful with revenue, food and wives. The tablets of Gudea list the
objects which the gods preferred: oxen, goats, sheep, doves, chickens,
ducks, fish, dates, figs, cucumbers, butter, oil and cakes; 41 we may judge
from this list that the well-to-do Sumerian enjoyed a plentiful cuisine.
Originally, it seems, the gods preferred human flesh; but as human morality
improved they had to be content with animals. A liturgical tablet found
in the Sumerian ruins says, with strange theological premonitions: "The
lamb is the substitute for humanity; he hath given up a lamb for his life." 41
Enriched by such beneficence, the priests became the wealthiest and most
powerful class in the Sumerian cities. In most matters they were the gov-
ernment; it is difficult to make out to what extent the patesi was a priest,
and to what extent a king. Urukagina rose like a Luther against the ex-
actions of the clergy, denounced them for their voracity, accused them of
taking bribes in their administration of the law, and charged that they
were levying such taxes upon farmers and fishermen as to rob them of
the fruits of their toil. He swept the courts clear for a time of these corrupt
officials, and established laws regulating the taxes and fees paid to the
temples, protecting the helpless against extortion, and providing against
the violent alienation of funds or property. 48 Already the world was old,
and well established in its time-honored ways.
Presumably the priests recovered their power when Urukagina died,
quite as they were to recover their power in Egypt after the passing of
Ikhnaton; men will pay any price for mythology. Even in this early age
the great myths of religion were taking form. Since food and tools were
placed in the graves with the dead, we may presume that the Sumerians
believed in an after-life. 44 But like the Greeks they pictured the other world
as a dark abode of miserable shadows, to which all the dead descended
indiscriminately. They had not yet conceived heaven and hell, eternal
reward and punishment; they offered prayer and sacrifice not for "eternal
life," but for tangible advantages here on the earth. 48 Later legend told
how Adapa, a sage of Eridu, had been initiated into all lore by Ea, goddess
of wisdom; one secret only had been refused him the knowledge of
CHAP. VIl) SUMERIA
deathless life." Another legend narrated how the gods had created man
happy; how man, by his free will, had sinned, and been punished with a
flood, from which but one man Tagtug the weaver had survived. Tag-
tug forfeited longevity and health by eating the fruit of a forbidden tree. 47
The priests transmitted education as well as mythology, and doubtless
sought to teach, as well as to rule, by their myths. To most of the temples
were attached schools wherein the clergy instructed boys and girls in
writing and arithmetic, formed their habits into patriotism and piety, and
prepared some of them for the high professsion of scribe. School tablets
survive, encrusted with tables of multiplication and division, square and
cube roots, and exercises in applied geometry. 4 * That the instruction was
not much more foolish than that which is given to our children appears
from a tablet which is a Lucretian outline of anthropology: "Mankind
when created did not know of bread for eating or garments for wearing.
The people walked with limbs on the ground, they ate herbs with their
mouths like sheep, they drank ditch-water." 4 *
What nobility of spirit and utterance this first of the historic religions
could rise to shines out in the prayer of King Gudca to the goddess Bau,
the patron deity of Lagash:
my Queen, the Mother who established Lagash,
The people on whom thou lookcst is rich in power;
The worshiper on whom thou lookest, his life is prolonged.
1 have no mother thou art my mother;
I have no father thou art my father. . . .
My goddess Bau, thou knowest what is good;
Thou hast given me the breath of life.
Under the protection of thee, my Mother,
In thy shadow I will reverently dwell. 80
Women were attached to every temple, some as domestics, some as
concubines for the gods or their duly constituted representatives on earth.
To serve the temples in this way did not seem any disgrace to a Sumcrian
girl; her father was proud to devote her charms to the alleviation of divine
monotony, and celebrated the admission of his daughter to these sacred
functions with ceremonial sacrifice, and the presentation of the girl's
marriage dowry to the temple. 81
Marriage was already a complex institution regulated by many laws.
130 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VII
The bride kept control of the dowry given her by her father in marriage,
and though she held it jointly with her husband, she alone determined its
bequest. She exercised equal rights with her husband over their children;
and in the absence of the husband and a grown-up son she administered
the estate as well as the home. She could engage in business independently
of her husband, and could keep or dispose of her own slaves. Sometimes,
like Shub-ad, she could rise to the status of queen, and rule her city with
luxurious and imperious grace." But in all crises the man was lord and
master. Under certain conditions he could sell his wife, or hand her over
as a slave to pay his debts. The double standard was already in force, as
a corollary of property and inheritance: adultery in the man was a for-
givable whim, but in the woman it was punished with death. She was
expected to give many children to her husband and the state; if barren,
she could be divorced without further reason; if merely averse to con-
tinuous maternity she was drowned. Children were without legal rights;
their parents, by the act of publicly disowning them, secured their banish-
ment from the city."
Nevertheless, as in most civilizations, the women of the upper classes
almost balanced, by their luxury and their privileges, the toil and dis-
abilities of their poorer sisters. Cosmetics and jewelry are prominent in
the Sumerian tombs. In Queen Shub-ad's grave Professor Woolley picked
up a little compact of blue-green malachite, golden pins with knobs of
lapis-Iazuli, and a vanity-case of filigree gold shell. This vanity-case, as
large as a little finger, contained a tiny spoon, presumably for scooping up
rouge from the compact; a metal stick, perhaps for training the cuticle;
and a pair of tweezers probably used to train the eyebrows or to pluck
out inopportune hairs. The Queen's rings .were made of gold wire; one
ring was inset with segments of lapis-lazuli; her necklace was of fluted
lapis and gold. Surely there is nothing new under the sun; and the differ-
ence between the first woman and the last could pass through the eye of
a needle.
5. Letters and Arts
Writing LiteratureTemples and palaces Statuary Ceramics
Jewelry- -Summary of Sumerian civilization
The startling fact in the Sumerian remains is writing. The marvelous art
seems already well advanced, fit to express complex thought in com-
CHAP. VIl) SUMERIA 131
merce, poetry and religion. The oldest inscriptions are on stone, and
date apparently as far back as 3600 B.C. 54 Towards 3200 B.C. the clay
tablet appears, and from that time on the Sumerians seem to have delighted
in the great discovery. It is our good fortune that the people of Mesopo-
tamia wrote not upon fragile, ephemeral paper in fading ink, but upon
moist clay deftly impressed with the wedge-like ("cuneiform") point
of a stylus. With this malleable material the scribe kept records, executed
contracts, drew up official documents, recorded property, judgments and
sales, and created a culture in which the stylus became as mighty as the
sword. Having completed the writing, the scribe baked the clay tablet
with heat or in the sun, and made it thereby a manuscript far more durable
than paper, and only less lasting than stone. This development of cunei-
form script was the outstanding contribution of Sumeria to the civilizing
of mankind.
Sumerian writing reads from right to left; the Babylonians were, so far
as we know, the first people to write from left to right. The linear script,
as we have seen, was apparently a stylized and conventionalized form of
the signs and pictures painted or impressed upon primitive Sumerian pot-
tery.* Presumably from repetition and haste over centuries of time, the
original pictures were gradually contracted into signs so unlike the objects
which they had once represented that they became the symbols of sounds
rather than of things. We should have an analogous process in English if
the picture of a bee should in time be shortened and simplified, and come to
mean not a bee but the sound be, and then serve to indicate that syllable
in any combination as in be-ing. The Sumerians and Babylonians never ad-
vanced from such representation of syllables to the representation of letters
never dropped the vowel in the syllabic sign to make be mean b; it seems to
have remained for the Egyptians to take this simple but revolutionary step."
The transition from writing to literature probably required many hun-
dreds of years. For centuries writing was a tool of commerce, a matter
of contracts and bills, of shipments and receipts; and secondarily, perhaps,
it was an instrument of religious record, an attempt to preserve magic
formulas, ceremonial procedures, sacred legends, prayers and hymns from
alteration or decay. Nevertheless, by 2700 B.C., great libraries had been
formed in Sumeria; at Tello, for example, in ruins contemporary with
Gudea, De Sarzac discovered a collection of over 30,000 tablets ranged one
* Cf. above, p. 104.
132 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VII
upon another in neat and logical array. 56 As early as 2000 B.C. Sumerian
historians began to reconstruct the past and record the present for the
edification of the future; portions of their work have come down to us
not in the original form but as quotations in later Babylonian chronicles.
Among the original fragments, however, is a tablet found at Nippur, bear-
ing the Sumerian prototype of the epic of Gilgamesh, which we shall study
later in its developed Babylonian expression." 7 Some of the shattered
tablets contain dirges of no mean power, and of significant literary form.
Here at the outset appears the characteristic Near-Eastern trick of chant-
ing repetitionmany lines beginning in the same way, many clauses reiter-
ating or illustrating the meaning of the clause before. Through these sal-
vaged relics we sec the religious origin of literature in the songs and lamen-
tations of the priests. The first poems were not madrigals, but prayers.
Behind these apparent beginnings of culture were doubtless many cen-
turies of development, in Sumcria and other lands. Nothing has been
created, it has only grown. Just as in writing Sumeria seeins to have
created cuneiform, so in architecture it seems to have created at once the
fundamental shapes of home and temple, column and vault and arch. 88
The Sumerian peasant made his cottage by planting reeds in a square, a
rectangle or a circle, bending the tops together, and binding them to form
an arch, a vault or a dome; 5 " this, we surmise, is the simple origin, or earliest
known appearance, of these architectural forms. Among the ruins of
Nippur is an arched drain 5000 years old; in the royal tombs of Ur there
are arches that go back to 3500 B.C., and arched doors were common
at Ur 2000 B.C. And these were true arches: i.e., their stones were set
in full voussoir fashion each stone a wedge tapering downward tightly
into place.
The richer citizens built palaces, perched on a mound sometimes forty
feet above the plain, and made purposely inaccessible except by one path,
so that every Sumcrian's home might be his castle. Since stone was scarce,
these palaces were mostly of brick. The plain red surface of the walls was
relieved by terracotta decoration in every form spirals, chevrons, triangles,
even lozenges and diapers. The inner walls were plastered and painted in
simple mural style. The house was built around a central court, which gave
shade and some coolness against the Mediterranean sun; for the same reason,
as well as for security, the rooms opened upon this court rather than upon
the outer world. Windows were a luxury, or perhaps they were not wanted.
CHAP.VIl) SUMERIA 133
Water was drawn from wells; and an extensive system of drainage drew
the waste from the residential districts of the towns. Furniture was not
complex or abundant but neither was it without taste. Some beds were in-
laid with metal or ivory, and occasionally, as in Egypt, armchairs flaunted
feet like lions' claws." 1
For the temples stone was imported, and adorned with copper entabla-
tures and friezes inlaid with semiprecious material. The temple of Nannar
at Ur set a fashion for all Mesopotamia with pale blue enameled tiles; while
its interior was paneled with rare woods like cedar and cypress, inlaid with
marble, alabaster, onyx, agate and gold. Usually the most important temple
in the city was not only built upon an elevation, but was topped with a zig-
gurat a tower of three, four or seven stories, surrounded with a winding
external stairway, and set back at every stage. Here on the heights the
loftiest of the city's gods might dwell, and here the government might
find a last spiritual and physical citadel against invasion or revolt.* 08
The temples were sometimes decorated with statuary of animals, heroes
and gods; figures plain, blunt and powerful, but severely lacking in sculp-
tural finish and grace. Most of the extant statues are of King Gudea, exe-
cuted resolutely but crudely in resistant diorite. In the ruins of Tell-cl-
Ubaid, from the early Sumerian period, a copper statuette of a bull was
found, much abused by the centuries, but still full of life and bovine com-
placency. A cow's head in silver from the grave of Queen Shub-ad at
Ur is a masterpiece that suggests a developed art too much despoiled by
time to permit of our giving it its due. This is almost proved by the
bas-reliefs that survive. The "Stele of the Vultures" set up by King Ean-
natum of Lagash, the porphyry cylinder of Ibnishar, 63 the humorous cari-
catures (as surely they must be) of Ur-nina, M and above all the "Victory
Stele" of Naram-sin share the crudity of Sumerian sculpture, but have in
them a lusty vitality of drawing and action characteristic of a young and
flourishing art.
Of the pottery one may not speak so leniently. Perhaps time misleads our
judgment by having preserved the worst; perhaps there were many pieces
as well carved as the alabaster vessels discovered at Eridu;" but for the most
part Sumerian pottery, though turned on the wheel, is mere earthenware,
and cannot compare with the vases of Elam. Better work was done by the
goldsmiths. Vessels of gold, tasteful in design and delicate in finish, have
* Such ziggurats have helped American architects to mould a new form for buildings
forced by law to set back their upper stories lest they impede their neighbor's light. His-
tory suddenly contracts into a brief coup d'ceil when we contemplate in one glance the
brick ziggurats of Sumeria 5000 years old, and the brick ziggurats of contemporary
New York.
134 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VII
been found in the earliest graves at Ur, some as old as 4000 B.C." The
silver vase of Entemenu, now in the Louvre, is as stocky as Gudea, but is
adorned with a wealth of animal imagery finely engraved. 87 Best of all is the
gold sheath and lapis-lazuli dagger exhumed at Ur; 68 here, if one may judge
from photographs,* the form almost touches perfection. The ruins have
given us a great number of cylindrical seals, mostly made of precious metal
or stone, with reliefs carefully carved upon a square inch or two of surface;
these seem to have served the Sumerians in place of signatures, and indicate
a refinement of life and manners disturbing to our naive conception of
progress as a continuous rise of man through the unfortunate cultures of the
past to the unrivaled zenith of today.
Sumerian civilization may be summed up in this contrast between crude
pottery and consummate jewelry; it was a synthesis of rough beginnings
and occasional but brilliant mastery. Here, within the limits of our present
knowledge, are the first states and empires, the first irrigation, the first use
of gold and silver as standards of value, the first business contracts, the
first credit system, the first code of law, the first extensive development
of writing, the first stories of the Creation and the Flood, the first libraries
and schools, the first literature and poetry, the first cosmetics and jewelry,
the first sculpture and bas-relief, the first palaces and temples, the first
ornamental metal and decorative themes, the first arch, column, vault and
dome. Here, for the first known time on a large scale, appear some of the
sins of civilization: slavery, despotism, ecclesiasticism, and imperialistic
war. It was a life differentiated and subtle, abundant and complex.
Already the natural inequality of men was producing a new degree of
comfort and luxury for the strong, and a new routine of hard and dis-
ciplined labor for the rest. The theme was struck on which history would
strum its myriad variations.
III. PASSAGE TO EGYPT
Sunterian influence in Mesopotamia Ancient Arabia Mesopo-
tomian influence in Egypt
Nevertheless, we are still so near the beginning of recorded history when
we speak of Sumeria that it is difficult to determine the priority or se-
quence of the many related civilizations that developed in the ancient Near
* The original is in the Iraq Museum at Baghdad.
CHAP. VIl) SUMERIA 135
East. The oldest written records known to us are Sumcrian; this, which may
be a whim of circumstance, a sport of mortality, does not prove that the
first civilization was Sumerian. Statuettes and other remains akin to those of
Sumeria have been found at Ashur and Samarra, in what became Assyria; we
do not know whether this early culture came from Sumeria or passed to it
along the Tigris. The code of Hammurabi resembles that of Ur-engur and
Dungi, but we cannot be sure that it was evolved from it rather than from
some predecessor ancestral to them both. It is only probable, not certain,
that the civilizations of Babylonia and Assyria were derived from or fer-
tilized by that of Sumer and Akkad.* The gods and myths of Babylon and
Nineveh are in many cases modifications or developments of Sumcrian the-
ology; and the languages of these later cultures bear the same relationship
to Sumeria that French and Italian bear to Latin.
Schweinfurth has called attention to the interesting fact that though the
cultivation of barley, millet and wheat, and the domestication of cattle, goats
and sheep, appear in both Egypt and Mesopotamia as far back as our rec-
ords go, these cereals and animals arc found in their wild and natural state
not in Egypt but in western Asiaespecially in Yemen or ancient Arabia.
He concludes that civilization i.e., in this context, the cultivation of cereals
and the use of domesticated animals appeared in unrecorded antiquity in
Arabia, and spread thence in a "triangular culture" to Mesopotamia (Sumeria,
Babylonia, Assyria) and Egypt. 70 Current knowledge of primitive Arabia is
too slight to make this more than a presentable hypothesis.
More definite is the derivation of certain specific elements of Egyptian
culture from Sumeria and Babylonia. We know that trade passed between
Mesopotamia and Egypt certainly via the isthmus at Suez, and probably
by water from the ancient outlets of Egyptian rivers on the Red Sea. 71 A
look at the map explains why Egypt, throughout its known history, has be-
longed to Western Asia rather than to Africa; trade and culture could pass
from Asia along the Mediterranean to the Nile, but shortly beyond that it
was balked by the desert which, with the cataracts of the Nile, isolated
Egypt from the remainder of Africa. Hence it is natural that we should
find many Mcsopotamian elements in the primitive culture of Egypt.
The farther back we trace the Egyptian language the more affinities it
reveals with the Semitic tongues of the Near East. The pictographic writ-
ing of the predynastic Egyptians seems to have come in from Sumcria. 78
The cylindrical seal, which is of unquestionably Mesopotamian origin, ap-
pears in the earliest period of known Egyptian history, and then disappears,
as if an imported custom had been displaced by a native mode. 74 The potter's
wheel is not known in Egypt before the Fourth Dynasty long after its ap-
pearance in Sumeria; presumably it came into Egypt from the Land be-
136 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VII
tween the Rivers along with the wheel and the chariot. 75 Early Egyptian
and Babylonian mace-heads are completely identical in form. 78 A finely
worked flint knife, found in predynastic Egyptian remains at Gebcl-el-Arak,
bears reliefs in Mesopotamian themes and style. 77 Copper was apparently
developed in western Asia, and brought thence to Egypt. 78 Early Egyptian
architecture resembles Mesopotamian in the use of the recessed panel as a
decoration for brick walls. 79 Predynastic pottery, statuettes and decorative
motives are in many cases identical, or unmistakably allied, with Mesopo-
tamian products. 80 Among these early Egyptian remains are small figures of
a goddess of evident Asiatic origin. At a time when Egyptian civilization
seems to have only begun, the artists of Ur were making statuary and reliefs
whose style and conventions demonstrate the antiquity of these arts in
Sumcria. 81 *
Egypt could well afford to concede the priority of Sumeria. For what-
ever the Nile may have borrowed from the Tigris and the Euphrates, it
soon flowered into a civilization specifically and uniquely its own; one of
the richest and greatest, one of the most powerful and yet one of the most
graceful, cultures in history. By its side Sumeria was but a crude beginning;
and not even Greece or Rome would surpass it.
* A great scholar, Elliot Smith, has tried to offset these considerations by pointing out
that although barley, millet and wheat are not known in their natural state in Egypt, it is
there that we find the oldest signs of their cultivation; and he believes that it was from
Egypt that agriculture and civilization came to Sumeria. 82 The greatest of American
Egyptologists, Professor Breasted, is similarly unconvinced of the priority of Sumeria.
Dr. Breasted believes that the wheel is at least as old in Egypt as in Sumcria, and rejects
the hypothesis of Schweinfurth on the ground that cereals have been found in their
native state in the highlands of Abyssinia.
CHAPTER VIII
Egypt
I. THE GIFT OF THE NILE
/. In the Delta
Alexandria The Nile The PyrainidsThe Sphinx
THIS is a perfect harbor. Outside the long breakwater the waves
topple over one another roughly; within it the sea is a silver mirror.
There, on the little island of Pharos, when Egypt was very old, Sostratus
built his great lighthouse of white marble, five hundred feet high, as a
beacon to all ancient mariners of the Mediterranean, and as one of the
seven wonders of the world. Time and the nagging waters have washed
it away, but a new lighthouse has taken its place, and guides the steamer
through the rocks to the quays of Alexandria. Here that astonishing boy-
statesman, Alexander, founded the subtle, polyglot metropolis that was
to inherit the culture of Egypt, Palestine and Greece. In this harbor Cxsar
received without gladness the severed head of Pompey.
As the train glides through the city, glimpses come of unpaved alleys
and streets, heat waves dancing in the air, workingmen naked to the waist,
black-garbed women bearing burdens sturdily, white-robed and turbaned
Moslems of regal dignity, and in the distance spacious squares and shining
palaces, perhaps as fair as those that the Ptolemies built when Alexandria
was the meeting-place of the world. Then suddenly it is open country,
and the city recedes into the horizon of the fertile Delta that green
triangle which looks on the map like the leaves of a lofty palm-tree held
up on the slender stalk of the Nile.
Once, no doubt, this Delta was a bay; patiently the broad stream filled
it up, too slowly to be seen, with detritus carried down a thousand
miles;* now from this little corner of mud, enclosed by the many mouths
of the river, six million peasants grow enough cotton to export a hundred
million dollars' worth of it every year. There, bright and calm under the
* Even the ancient geographers (e.g., Strabo 1 ) believed that Egypt had once been under
the waters of the Mediterranean, and that its deserts had been the bottom of the sea.
137
138 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
glaring sun, fringed with slim palms and grassy banks, is the most famous
of all rivers. We cannot see the desert that lies so close beyond it, or the
great empty i^tfriver-beds where once its fertile tributaries flowed;
we cannot realize yet how precariously narrow a thing this Egypt is, owing
everything to the river, and harassed on either side with hostile, shifting
sand.
Now the train passes amid the alluvial plain. The land is half covered
with water, and crossed everywhere with irrigation canals. In the ditches
and the fields black fellaheen* labor, knowing no garment but a cloth
about the loins. The river has had one of its annual inundations, which
begin at the summer solstice and last for a hundred days; through that over-
flow the desert became fertile, and Egypt blossomed, in Herodotus' phrase,
as the "gift of the Nile." It is clear why civilization found here one of
its earliest homes; nowhere else was a river so generous in irrigation, and
so controllable in its rise; only Mesopotamia could rival it. For thousands
of years the peasants have watched this rise with anxious eagerness; to this
day public criers announce its progress each morning in the streets of
Cairo. 1 So the past, with the quiet continuity of this river, flows into the
future, lightly touching the present on its way. Only historians make
divisions; time does not.
But every gift must be paid for; and the peasant, though he valued the
rising waters, knew that without control they could ruin as well as irrigate
his fields. So from time beyond history he built these ditches that cross
and rccross the land; he caught the surplus in canals, and when the river
fell he raised the water with buckets pivoted on long poles, singing, as
he worked, the songs that the Nile has heard for five thousand years. For
as these peasants arc now, sombre and laughterless even in their singing,
so they have been, in all likelihood, for fifty centuries. 3 This water-raising
apparatus is as old as the Pyramids; and a million of these ]ellabecn, despite
the conquests of Arabic, still speak the language of the ancient monuments.*
Here in the Delta, fifty miles southeast of Alexandria, is the site of
Naucratis, once filled with industrious, scheming Greeks; thirty miles
farther east, the site of Sai's, where, in the centuries before the Persian
and Greek conquests, the native civilization of Egypt had its last revival;
and then, a hundred and twenty-nine miles southeast of Alexandria, is
Cairo. A beautiful city, but not Egyptian; the conquering Moslems
Plural form of the Arabic fellah, peasant; from f claha, to plough.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 1 39
founded it in A.D. 968; then the bright spirit of France overcame the
gloomy Arab and built here a Paris in the desert, exotic and unreal. One
must pass through it by motorcar or leisurely fiacre to find old Egypt at
the Pyramids.
How small they appear from the long road that approaches them; did
we come so far to see so little? But then they grow larger, as if they were
being lifted up into the air; round a turn in the road we surprise the edge
of the desert; and there suddenly the Pyramids confront us, bare and
solitary in the sand, gigantic and morose against an Italian sky. A motley
crowd scrambles abomPfheir base stout business men on blinking donkeys,
stouter ladies secure in carts, young men prancing on horseback, young
women sitting uncomfortably on camel-back, their silk knees glistening
in the sun; and everywhere grasping Arabs. We stand where Cxsar and
Napoleon stood, and remember that fifty centuries look down upon us;
where the Father of History came four hundred years before Caesar, and
heard the tales that were to startle Pericles. A new perspective of time
comes to us; two millenniums seem to fall out of the picture, and Cxsar,
Herodotus and ourselves appear for a moment contemporary and modern
before these tombs that were more ancient to them than the Greeks
are to us.
Nearby, the Sphinx, half lion and half philosopher, grimly claws the
sand, and glares unmoved at the transient visitor and the eternal plain.
It is a savage monument, as if designed to frighten old lechers and make
children retire early. The lion body passes into a human head with
prognathous jaws and cruel eyes; the civilization that built it (ca. 2990
B.C.) had not quite forgotten barbarism. Once the sand covered it, and
Herodotus, who saw so much that is not there, says not a word of it.
Nevertheless, what wealth these old Egyptians must have had, what
power and skill, even in the infancy of history, to bring these vast stones
six hundred miles, to raise some of them, weighing many tons, to a height
of half a thousand feet, and to pay, or even to feed, the hundred thousand
slaves who toiled for twenty years on these Pyramids! Herodotus has
preserved for us an inscription that he found on one pyramid, record-
ing the quantity of radishes, garlic and onions consumed by the workmen
who built it; these things, too, had to have their immortality.* Despite
* Diodorus Siculus, who must always be read sceptically, writes: "An inscription on the
larger pyramid . . . sets forth that on vegetables and purgatives for the workmen there
were paid out over 1600 talents" i.e., $16,000,000."
140 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
these familiar friends we go away disappointed; there is something bar-
barically primitive or barbarically modern in this brute hunger for
size. It is the memory and imagination of the beholder that, swollen
with history, make these monuments great; in themselves they are a little
ridiculous vainglorious tombs in which the dead sought eternal life.
Perhaps pictures have too much ennobled them: photography can catch
everything but dirt, and enhances man-made objects with noble vistas of
land and sky. The sunset at Gizeh is greater than the Pyramids.
2. Upstream
Memphis-The masterpiece of Queen Hatshepsut-The ''Colossi
of Memnon" Luxor and KarnakThe grandeur of Egyp-
tian civilization
From Cairo a little steamer moves up the river i.e., southward through
six leisurely days to Karnak and Luxor. Twenty miles below Cairo it
passes Memphis, the most ancient of Egypt's capitals. Here, where the
great Third and Fourth Dynasties lived, in a city of two million souls,
nothing now greets the eye but a row of small pyramids and a grove of
palms; for the rest there is only desert, infinite, villainous sand, slipping
under the feet, stinging the eyes, filling the pores, covering everything,
stretching from Morocco across Sinai, Arabia, Turkestan, Tibet to Mon-
golia: along that sandy belt across two continents civilization once built
its seats and now is gone, driven away, as the ice receded, by increasing
heat and decreasing rain. By the Nile, for a dozen miles on either side,
runs a ribbon of fertile soil; from the Mediterranean to Nubia there is
only this strip redeemed from the desert. This is the thread upon which
hung the life of Egypt. And yet how brief seems the life-span of Greece, or
the millennium of Rome, beside the long record from Menes to Cleopatra!
A week later the steamer is at Luxor. On this site, now covered with
Arab hamlets or drifting sand, once stood the greatest of Egypt's capitals,
the richest city of the very ancient world, known to the Greeks as Thebes,
and to its own people as Wesi and Ne. On the eastern slope of the Nile is
the famous Winter Palace of Luxor, aflame with bougainvillea; across the
river the sun is setting over the Tombs of the Kings into a sea of sand,
and the sky is flaked with gaudy tints of purple and gold. Far in the west
the pillars of Queen Hatshepsut's noble temple gleam, looking for all the
world like some classic colonnade.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 141
In the morning lazy sailboats ferry the seeker across a river so quiet
and unpretentious that no one would suspect that it had been flowing here
for uncounted centuries. Then over mile after mile of desert, through
dusty mountain passes and by historic graves, until the masterpiece of the
great Queen rises still and white in the trembling heat. Here the artist
decided to transform nature and her hills into a beauty greater than her
own: into the very face of the granite cliff he built these columns, as
stately as those that Ictinus made for Pericles; it is impossible, seeing these,
to doubt that Greece took her architecture, perhaps through Crete, from
this initiative race. And on the walls vast bas-reliefs, alive with motion
and thought, tell the story of the first great woman in history, and not
the least of queens.
On the road back sit two giants in stone, representing the most luxurious
of Egypt's monarchs, Amenhotep HI, but mistakenly called the "Colossi
of Memnon" by the Baedekers of Greece. Each is seventy feet high,
weighs seven hundred tons, and is carved out of a single rock. On the
base of one of them are the inscriptions left by Greek tourists who visited
these ruins two thousand years ago; again the centuries fall out of reckon-
ing, and those Greeks seem strangely contemporary with us in the presence
of these ancient things. A mile to the north lie the stone remains of
Rameses II, one of the most fascinating figures in history, beside whom
Alexander is an immature trifle; alive for ninety-nine years, emperor for
sixty-seven, father of one hundred and fifty children; here he is a statue, once
fifty-six feet high, now fifty-six feet long, prostrate and ridiculous in the
sand. Napoleon's savants measured him zealously; they found his ear three
and a half feet long, his foot five feet wide, his weight a thousand tons;
for him Bonaparte should have used his later salutation of Goethe: "Voild
un homme! behold a man!"
All around now, on the west bank of the Nile, is the City of the Dead.
At every turn some burrowing Egyptologist has unearthed a royal tomb.
The grave of Tutenkhamon is closed, locked even in the faces of those
who thought that gold would open anything; but the tomb of Seti I is
open, and there in the cool earth one may gaze at decorated ceilings and
passages, and marvel at the wealth and skill that could build such sarcophagi
and surround them with such art. In one of these tombs the excavators
saw, on the sand, the footprints of the slaves who had carried the
to its place three thousand years before.'
142 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
But the best remains adorn the eastern side of the river. Here at Luxor
the lordly Amenhotep HI, with the spoils of Thutmose Ill's victories,
began to build his most pretentious edifice; death came upon him as he
built; then, after the work had been neglected for a century, Rameses II
finished it in regal style. At once the quality of Egyptian architecture
floods the spirit: here are scope and power, not beauty merely, but a
masculine sublimity. A wide court, now waste with sand, paved of old
with marble; on three sides majestic colonnades matched by Karnak alone;
on every hand carved stone in bas-relief, and royal statues proud even in
desolation. Imagine eight long stems of the papyrus plant nurse of letters
and here the form of art; at the base of the fresh unopened flowers bind
the stems with five firm bands that will give beauty strength; then picture
the whole stately stalk in stone: this is the papyriform column of Luxor.
Fancy a court of such columns, upholding massive entablatures and shade-
giving porticoes; see the whole as the ravages of thirty centuries have left
it; then estimate the men who, in what we once thought the childhood of
civilization, could conceive and execute such monuments.
Through ancient ruins and modern squalor a rough footpath leads to
what Egypt keeps as its final offering the temples of Karnak. Half a
hundred Pharaohs took part in building them, from the last dynasties of
the Old Kingdom to the days of the Ptolemies; generation by generation
the structures grew, until sixty acres were covered with the lordliest
offerings that architecture ever made to the gods. An "Avenue of
Sphinxes" leads to the place where Champollion, founder of Egyptology,
stood in 1828 and wrote:
I went at last to the palace, or rather to the city of monuments
to Karnak. There all the magnificence of the Pharaohs appeared to
me, all that men have imagined and executed on the grandest scale.
, . . . No people, ancient or modern, has conceived the art of archi-
tecture on a scale so sublime, so great, so grandiose, as the ancient
Egyptians. They conceived like men a hundred feet high. 7
To understand it would require maps and plans, and all an architect's
learning. A spacious enclosure of many courts one-third of a mile on
each side; a population of once 86,000 statues; 8 a main group of buildings,
constituting the Temple of Amon, one thousand by three hundred feet;
great pylons or gates between one court and the next; the perfect "Heraldic
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 143
Pillars" of Thutmose III, broken off rudely at the top, but still of astonish-
ingly delicate carving and design; the Festival Hall of the same formidable
monarch, its fluted shafts here and there anticipating all the power of the
Doric column in Greece; the little Temple of Ptah, with graceful pillars
rivaling the living palms beside them; the Promenade, again the work of
Thutmose's builders, with bare and massive colonnades, symbol of Egypt's
Napoleon; above all, the Hypostyle Hall,* a very forest of one hundred
and forty gigantic columns, crowded close to keep out the exhausting
sun, flowering out at their tops into spreading palms of stone, and holding
up, with impressive strength, a roof of mammoth slabs stretched in solid
granite from capital to capital. Nearby two slender obelisks, monoliths
complete in symmetry and grace, rise like pillars of light amid the ruins
of statues and temples, and announce in their inscriptions the proud
message of Queen Hatshepsut to the world. These obelisks, the carv-
ing says,
are of hard granite from the quarries of the South; their tops are
of fine gold chosen from the best in all foreign lands. They can be
seen from afar on the river; the splendor of their radiance fills the
Two Lands, and when the solar disc appears between them it is
truly as if he rose up into the horizon of the sky. . . . You who after
long years shall see these monuments, who shall speak of what I
have done, you will say, "We do not know, we do not know how
they can have made a whole mountain of gold." . . . To guild them
I have given gold measured by the bushel, as though it were sacks
of grain, ... for I knew that Karnak is the celestial horizon of the
earth. 9
What a queen, and what kings! Perhaps this first great civilization was
the finest of all, and we have but begun to uncover its glory? Near the
Sacred Lake at Karnak men are digging, carrying away the soil patiently
in little paired baskets slung over the shoulder on a pole; an Egyptologist
is bending absorbed over hieroglyphics on two stones just rescued from
the earth; he is one of a thousand such men, Carters and Breasteds and
Masperos, Petries and Caparts and Weigalls, living simply here in the heat
and dust, trying to read for us the riddle of the Sphinx, to snatch from the
secretive soil the art and literature, the history and wisdom of Egypt.
* A model of this can be seen at the Metropolitan Museum of An, New York.
144 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VHI
Every day the earth and the elements fight against them; superstition
curses and hampers them; moisture and corrosion attack the very monu-
ments they have exhumed; and the same Nile that gives food to Egypt
creeps in its overflow into the ruins of Karnak, loosens the pillars, tumbles
them down,* and leaves upon them, when it subsides, a deposit of saltpetre
that eats like a leprosy into the stone.
Let us contemplate the glory of Egypt once more, in her history and
her civilization, before her last monuments crumble into the sand.
II. THE MASTER BUILDERS
1. The Discovery of Egypt
Champollion and the Rosetta Stone
The recovery of Egypt is one of the most brilliant chapters in arche-
ology. The Middle Ages knew of Egypt as a Roman colony and a Chris-
tian settlement; the Renaissance presumed that civilization had begun with
Greece; even the Enlightenment, though it concerned itself intelligently
with China and India, knew nothing of Egypt beyond the Pyramids. Egyp-
tology was a by-product of Napoleonic imperialism. When the great Cor-
sican led a French expedition to Egypt in 1798 he took with him a number
of draughtsmen and engineers to explore and map the terrain, and made^
place also for certain scholars absurdly interested in Egypt for the sake of
a better understanding of history. It was this corps of men who first re-
vealed the temples of Luxor and Karnak to the modern world; and the
elaborate Description de Ufigypte (1809-13) which they prepared for the
French Academy was the first milestone in the scientific study of this for-
gotten civilization. 10
For many years, however, they were unable to read the inscriptions sur-
viving on the monuments. Typical of the scientific temperament was the
patient devotion with which Champollion, one of these savants, applied
himself to the decipherment of the hieroglyphics. He found at last an
obelisk covered with such "sacred carvings" in Egyptian, but bearing at the
base a Greek inscription which indicated that the writing concerned Ptolemy
and Cleopatra. Guessing that two hieroglyphics often repeated, with a royal
cartouche attached, were the names of these rulers, he made out tentatively
(1822) eleven Egyptian letters; this was the first proof that Egypt had had
* On October 3, 1899, eleven columns at Karnak, loosened by the water, fell to the
ground.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 145
an alphabet. Then he applied this alphabet to a great black stone slab that
Napoleon's troops had stumbled upon near the Rosetta mouth of the Nile.
This "Rosetta Stone"* contained an inscription in three languages: first in
hieroglyphics, second in "demotic" the popular script of the Egyptians and
third in Greek. With his knowledge of Greek, and the eleven letters made
out from the obelisk, Champollion, after more than twenty years of labor,
deciphered the whole inscription, discovered the entire Egyptian alphabet,
and opened the way to the recovery of a lost world. It was one of the
peaks in the history of history, t 11
2. Prehistoric Egypt
Paleolithic Neolithic The BadariansPredynasticRace
Since the radicals of one age are the reactionaries of the next, it was not
to be expected that the men who created Egyptology should be the first to
accept as authentic the remains of Egypt's Old Stone Age; after forty les
savants ne sont pas curieux. When the first flints were unearthed in the
valley of the Nile, Sir Flinders Petrie, not usually hesitant with figures,
classed them as the work of post-dynastic generations; and Maspero, whose
lordly erudition did no hurt to his urbane and polished style, ascribed neo-
lithic Egyptian pottery to the Middle Kingdom. Nevertheless, in 1895 De
Morgan revealed an almost continuous gradation of paleolithic cultures-
corresponding substantially with their succession in Europe in the flint
hand-axes, harpoons, arrow-heads and hammers exhumed all along the
Nile." Imperceptibly the paleolithic remains graduate into neolithic at depths
indicating an age 10,000-4000 B.C. 14 The stone tools become more refined,
and reach indeed a level of sharpness, finish and precision uncqualed by any
other neolithic culture known." Towards the end of the period metal work
enters in the form of vases, chisels and pins of copper, and ornaments of
silver and gold. 10
Finally, as a transition to history, agriculture appears. In the year 1901,
near the little town of Badari (half way between Cairo and Karnak), bodies
were excavated amid implements indicating a date approximating to forty
centuries before Christ. In the intestines of these bodies, preserved through
six millenniums by the dry heat of the sand, were husks of unconsumed
barley." Since barley does not grow wild in Egypt, it is presumed that the
Badarians had learned to cultivate cereals. From that early age the in-
* Now in the British Museum.
fThc Swedish diplomat Akcrblad in 1802, and the versatile English physicist Thomas
Young in 1814, had helped by partly deciphering the Rosetta Stone. 13
146 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
habitants of the Nile valley began the work of irrigation, cleared the jungles
and the swamps, won the river from the crocodile and the hippopotamus,
and slowly laid the groundwork of civilization.
These and other remains give us some inkling of Egyptian life before the
first of the historic dynasties. It was a culture midway between hunting and
agriculture, and just beginning to replace stone with metal tools. The peo-
ple made boats, ground corn, wove linen and carpets, had jewels and per-
fumes, barbers and domesticated animals, and delighted to draw pictures,
chiefly of the prey they pursued. 18 They painted upon their simple pottery
figures of mourning women, representations of animals and men, and ge-
ometrical designs; and they carved such excellent products as the Gebel-el-
Arak knife. They had pictographic writing, and Sumerian-like cylinder
seals. 19
No one knows whence these early Egyptians came. Learned guesses in-
cline to the view that they were a cross between Nubian, Ethiopian and
Libyan natives on one side and Semitic or Armenoid immigrants on the
other; 80 even at that date there were no pure races on the earth. Probably the
invaders or immigrants from Western Asia brought a higher culture with
them," and their intermarriage with the vigorous native stocks provided
that ethnic blend which is often the prelude to a new civilization. Slowly,
from 4000 to 3000 B.C., these mingling groups became a people, and created
the Egypt of history.
3. The Old Kingdom
The "nowcs"-The first historic individual-"Cheops"-"Che-
phren"The purpose of the Pyramids Art of the tombs
Mwirmification
Already, by 4000 B.C., these peoples of the Nile had forged a form
of government. The population along the river was divided into "nomes,"*
in each of which the inhabitants were essentially of one stock, acknowl-
edged the same totem, obeyed the same chief, and worshiped the same
gods by the same rites. Throughout the history of ancient Egypt these
nomes persisted, their "nomarchs" or rulers having more or less power
and autonomy according to the weakness or strength of the reigning
Pharaoh. As all developing structures tend toward an increasing inter-
dependence of the parts, so in this case the growth of trade and the rising
* So called by the Greeks from their word for law (nomos) .
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 147
costliness of war forced the nomes to organize themselves into two king-
domsone in the south, one in the north; a division probably reflecting
the conflict between African natives and Asiatic immigrants. This danger-
ous accentuation of geographic and ethnic diff erences was resolved for
a time when Menes, a half-legendary figure, brought the "Two Lands"
under his united power, promulgated a body of laws given him by the
god Thoth," established the first historic dynasty, built a new capital at
Memphis, "taught the people" (in the words of an ancient Greek historian)
"to use tables and couches, and . . . introduced luxury and an extravagant
manner of life." 88
The first real person in known history is not a conqueror or a king but
an artist and a scientist Imhotep, physician, architect and chief adviser
of King Zoser (ca. 3150 B.C.). He did so much for Egyptian medicine
that later generations worshiped him as a god of knowledge, author of
their sciences and their arts; and at the same time he appears to have
founded the school of architecture which provided the next dynasty with
the first great builders in history. It was under his administration, accord-
ing to Egyptian tradition, that the first stone house was built; it was he who
planned the oldest Egyptian structure extant the Step-Pyramid of
Sakkara, a terraced structure of stone which for centuries set the style in
tombs; and apparently it was he who designed the funerary temple of
Zoser, with its lovely lotus columns and its limestone paneled walls." In
these old remains at Sakkarah, at what is almost the beginning of historic
Egyptian art, we find fluted shafts as fair as any that Greece would build,"
reliefs full of realism and vitality, 89 green faience richly colored glazed
earthenware rivaling the products of medieval Italy,* 1 and a power-
ful stone figure of King Zoser himself, obscured in its details by the blows
of time, but still revealing an astonishingly subtle and sophisticated face. 28
We do not know what concourse of circumstance made the Fourth
Dynasty the most important in Egyptian history before the Eighteenth.
Perhaps it was the lucrative mining operations in the last reign of the
Third, perhaps the ascendancy of Egyptian merchants in Mediterranean
trade, perhaps the brutal energy of Khufu,* first Pharaoh of the new
house. Herodotus has passed on to us the traditions of the Egyptian
priests concerning this builder of the first of Gizeh's pyramids:
* The "Cheops" of Herodotus, r. 3098-75 B.C.
148 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
Now they tell me that to the reign of Rhampsinitus there was a
perfect distribution of justice and that all Egypt was in a high state
of prosperity; but that after him Cheops, coming to reign over
them, plunged into every kind of wickedness, for that, having shut
up all the temples, ... he ordered all the Egyptians to work for
himself. Some, accordingly, were appointed to draw stones from
the quarries in the Arabian mountains down to the Nile, others he
ordered to receive the stones when transported in vessels across the
river. . . . And they worked to the number of a hundred thousand
men at a time, each party during three months. The time during
which the people were thus harassed by toil lasted ten years on the
road which they constructed, and along which they drew the stones;
a work, in my opinion, not much less than the Pyramid.*
Of his successor and rival builder, Khafre,* we know something almost
at first hand; for the diorite portrait which is among the treasures of the
Cairo Museum pictures him, if not as he looked, certainly as we might
conceive this Pharaoh of the second pyramid, who ruled Egypt for
fifty-six years. On his head is the falcon, symbol of the royal power; but
even without that sign we should know that he was every inch a king.
Proud, direct, fearless, piercing eyes; a powerful nose and a frame of
reserved and quiet strength; it is evident that nature had long since learned
how to make men, and art had long since learned how to represent them.
Why did these men build pyramids? Their purpose was not archi-
tectural but religious; the pyramids were tombs, lineally descended from
the most primitive of burial mounds. Apparently the Pharaoh believed,
like any commoner among his people, that every living body was inhabited
by a double, or ka, which need not die with the breath; and that the ka
would survive all the more completely if the flesh were preserved against
hunger, violence and decay. The pyramid, by its heigh t,f its form and
its position, sought stability as a means to deathlessness; and except for
its square corners it took the natural form that any homogeneous group
of solids would take if allowed to fall unimpeded to the earth. Again, it
was to have permanence and strength; therefore stones were piled up here
with mad patience as if they had grown by the wayside and had not been
carried from quarries hundreds of miles away. In Khufu's pyramid there
The "Chcphrcn" of Herodotus, r. 3067-11 B.C.
fThe word pyramid is apparently derived from the Egyptian word pi-re-mus, altitude,
rather than from the Greek pyr, fire.
CHAP. Vin) EGYPT 149
are two and a half million blocks, some of them weighing one hundred
and fifty tons, 88 all of them averaging two and a half tons; they cover half
a million square feet, and rise 48 1 feet into the air. And the mass is solid;
only a few blocks were omitted, to leave a secret passage way for the
carcass of the King. A guide leads the trembling visitor on all fours into
the cavernous mausoleum, up a hundred crouching steps to the very heart
of the pyramid; there in the damp, still center, buried in darkness and
secrecy, once rested the bones of Khufu and his queen. The marble
sarcophagus of the Pharaoh is still in place, but broken and empty. Even
these stones could not deter human thievery, nor all the curses of the gods.
Since the ka was conceived as the minute image of the body, it had to
be fed, clothed and served after the death of the frame. Lavatories were
provided in some royal tombs for the convenience of the departed soul;
and a funerary text expresses some anxiety lest the ka, for want of food,
should feed upon its own excreta" One suspects that Egyptian burial
customs, if traced to their source, would lead to the primitive interment
of a warrior's weapons with his corpse, or to some institution like the
Hindu suttee the burial of a man's wives and slaves with him that they
may attend to his needs. This having proved irksome to the wives and
slaves, painters and sculptors were engaged to draw pictures, carve bas-
reliefs, and make statuettes resembling these aides; by a magic formula,
usually inscribed upon them, the carved or painted objects would be
quite as effective as the real ones. A man's descendants were inclined to
be lazy and economical, and even if he had left an endowment to cover
the costs they were apt to neglect the rule that religion originally put
upon them of supplying the dead with provender. Hence pictorial sub-
stitutes were in any case a wise precaution: they could provide the ka of
the deceased with fertile fields, plump oxen, innumerable servants and
busy artisans, at an attractively reduced rate. Having discovered this
principle, the artist accomplished marvels with it. One tomb picture shows
a field being ploughed, the next shows the grain being reaped or threshed,
another the bread being baked; one shows the bull copulating with the
cow, another the calf being born, another the grown cattle being slaugh-
tered, another the meat served hot on the dish. 32 A fine limestone bas-relief
in the tomb of Prince Rahotep portrays the dead man enjoying the varied
victuals on the table before him. 88 Never since has art done so much
for men
150 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
Finally the ka was assured long life not only by burying the cadaver
in a sarcophagus of the hardest stone, but by treating it to the most pains-
taking mummification. So well was this done that to this day bits of hair
and flesh cling to the royal skeletons. Herodotus vividly describes the
Egyptian embalmer's art:
First they draw out the brains through the nostrils with an iron
hook, raking part of it out in this manner, the rest by the infusion
of drugs. Then with a sharp stone they make an incision in the side,
and take out all the bowels; and having cleansed the abdomen and
rinsed it with palm wine, they next sprinkle it with pounded per-
fume. Then, having filled the belly with pure myrrh, cassia and
other perfumes, they sew it up again; and when they have done this
they steep it in natron,* leaving it under for seventy days; for a
longer time than this it is not lawful to steep it. At the expiration
of seventy days they wash the corpse, and wrap the whole body in
bandages of waxen cloth, smearing it with gum, which the Egyp-
tians commonly use instead of glue. After this the relations, hav-
ing taken the body back again, make a wooden case in the shape of
a man, and having made it they enclose the body; and then, having
fastened it up, they store it in a sepulchral chamber, setting it up-
right against the wall. In this manner they prepare the bodies that
are embalmed in the most expensive way.* 4
"All the world fears Time," says an Arab proverb, "but Time fears the
Pyramids." 18 However, the pyramid of Khufu has lost twenty feet of its
height, and all its ancient marble casing is gone; perhaps Time is only
leisurely with it. Beside it stands Khafre's pyramid, a trifle smaller, but
still capped with the granite casing that once covered it all. Humbly be-
yond this squats the pyramid of Khafre's successor Menkaure,t covered
not with granite but with shamefaced brick, as if to announce that when
men raised it the zenith of the Old Kingdom had passed. The statues of
Menkaure that have come down to us show him as a man more refined and
less forceful than Khafre.| ^^H^ation,_like !!?! ^destroys what it has
perfected, Already, it may be, the growth of comforts and luxuries, the
* A silicate of sodium and aluminum: Na 2 ALSi,O 10 2H s O.
t The "Mycerinus" of Herodotus, r. 301 1-2988 B.C.
jCf. the statues of Menkaure and his consort in the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 151
progress of manners and morals, had made men lovers of peace and haters
of war. Suddenly a new figure appeared, usurped Menkaure's throne, and
put an end to the pyramid-builders' dynasty.
4. The Middle Kingdom
The Feudal Age The Twelfth Dynasty The Hyksos Domination
ICings were never so plentiful as in Egypt. History lumps them into
dynasties monarchs of one line or family; but even then they burden the
memory intolerably.* One of these early Pharaohs, Pepi II, ruled Egypt/
for ninety-four years (2738-2644 B.C.) the longest reign in history. j
When he died anarchy and dissolution ensued, the Pharaohs lost control,
and feudal barons ruled the nomes independently: this alternation between
centralized and decentralized power is one of the cyclical rhythms of his-
tory, as if men tired alternately of immoderate liberty and excessive order.
After a Dark Age of four chaotic centuries a strong-willed Charlemagne
arose, set things severely in order, changed the capital from Memphis to
Thebes, and under the title of Amcnemhet 1 inaugurated that Twelfth
Dynasty during which all the arts, excepting perhaps architecture, reached
a height of excellence never equaled in known Egypt before or again.
Through an old inscription Amenemhet speaks to us:
I was one who cultivated grain and loved the harvest god;
The Nile greeted me and every valley; *
None was hungry in my years, none thirsted then;
Men dwelt in peace through that which I wrought, and conversed
of me.
His reward was a conspiracy among the Talleyrands and Pouches whom
he had raised to high office. He put it down with a mighty hand, but left
for his son, Polonius-like, a scroll of bitter counselan admirable formula
for despotism, but a heavy price to pay for royalty:
* Historians have helped themselves by further grouping the dynasties into periods: (i)
The Old Kingdom, Dynasties I- VI (3500-2631 B.C.), followed by an interlude of chaos;
(2) The Middle Kingdom, Dynasties XI-XIV (2375-1800 B.C.), followed by another
chaotic interlude; (3) The Empire, Dynasties XVIII-XX (1580-1100 B.C.), followed by a
period of divided rule from rival capitals; and (4; The Saite Age^ Dynasty XXVI, 663-
525. All these dates except the last arc approximate, and Egyptologists amuse themselves
by moving the earlier ones up and down by centuries.
152 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VHI
Hearken to that which I say to thce,
That thou mayest be king of the earth, . . .
That thou mayest increase good:
Harden thyself against all subordinates
The people give heed to him who terrorizes them;
Approach them not alone.
Fill not thy heart with a brother,
Know not a friend; . . .
When thou sleepest, guard for thyself thine own heart;
For a man hath no friend in the day of evil."
This stern ruler, who seems to us so human across four thousand years,
established a system of administration that held for half a millennium.
Wealth grew again, and then art; Senusret I built a great canal from the
Nile to the Red Sea, repelled Nubian invaders, and erected great temples at
Hcliopolis, Abydos, and Karnak; ten colossal seated figures of him have
cheated time, and litter the Cairo Museum. Another Senusret the Third-
began the subjugation of Palestine, drove back the recurrent Nubians,
and raised a stele or slab at the southern frontier, "not from any desire that
ye should worship it, but that ye should fight for it." 37 Amenemhet III, a
great administrator, builder of canals and irrigation, put an end (perhaps
too effectively) to the power of the barons, and replaced them with
appointees of the king. Thirteen years after his death Egypt was plunged
into disorder by a dispute among rival claimants to the throne, and the
Middle Kingdom ended in two centuries of turmoil and disruption. Then
the Hyksos, nomads from Asia, invaded disunited Egypt, set fire to the
cities, razed the temples, squandered the accumulated wealth, destroyed
much of the accumulated art, and for two hundred years subjected the
Nile valley to the rule of the "Shepherd Kings." Ancient civilizations
were little isles in a sea of barbarism, prosperous settlements surrounded
by hungry, envious and warlike hunters and herders; at any moment the
wall of defense might be broken down. So the Kassites raided Babylonia,
the Gauls attacked Greece and Rome, the Huns overran Italy, the Mongols
came down upon Peking.
Soon, however, the conquerors in their turn grew fat and prosperous,
and lost control; the Egyptians rose in a war of liberation, expelled the
Hyksos, and established that Eighteenth Dynasty which was to lift Egypt
to greater wealth, power and glory than ever before.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT IJ3
5. The Empire
The great queen Thutmose IllThe zenith of Egypt
Perhaps the invasion had brought another rejuvenation by the infusion
of fresh blood; but at the same time the new age marked the beginning
of a thousand-year struggle betwen Egypt and Western Asia. Thutmose
I not only consolidated the power of the new empire, but on the ground
that western Asia must be controlled to prevent further interruptions-
invaded Syria, subjugated it from the coast to Carchemish, put it under
guard and tribute, and returned to Thebes laden with spoils and the glory
that always comes from the killing of men. At the end of his thirty-year
reign he raised his daughter Hatshepsut to partnership with him on the
throne. For a time her husband and step-brother ruled as Thutmose II,
and dying, named as his successor Thutmose HI, son of Thutmose I by a
concubine." But Hatshepsut set this high-destined youngster aside, assumed
full royal powers, and proved herself a king in everything but gender.
Even this exception was not conceded by her. Since sacred tradition
required that every Egyptian ruler should be a son of the great god Amon,
Hatshepsut arranged to be made at once male and divine. A biography
was invented for her by which Amon had descended upon Hatshepsut's
mother Ahmasi in a flood of perfume and light; his attentions had been
gratefully received; and on his departure he had announced that Ahmasi
would give birth to a daughter in whom all the valor and strength of the
god would be made manifest on earth." To satisfy the prejudices of her
people, and perhaps the secret desire of her heart, the great Queen had
herself represented on the monuments as a bearded and breastless warrior;
and though the inscriptions referred to her with the feminine pronoun,
they did not hesitate to speak of her as "Son of the Sun" and "Lord of the
Two Lands." When she appeared in public she dressed in male garb, and
wore a beard. 40
She had a right to determine her own sex, for she became one of the
most successful and beneficent of Egypt's many rulers. She maintained
internal order without undue tyranny, and external peace without loss.
She organized a great expedition to Punt (presumably the eastern coast of
Africa), giving new markets to her merchants and new delicacies to her
people. She helped to beautify Karnak, raised there two majestic obelisks,
154 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
built at Der-el-Bahri the stately temple which her father had designed,
and repaired some of the damage that had been done to older temples by
the Hyksos kings. "I have restored that which was in ruins," one of her
proud inscriptions tells us; "I have raised up that which was unfinished
since the Asiatics were in the midst of the Northland, overthrowing that
which had been made." 41 Finally she built for herself a secret and ornate
tomb among the sand-swept mountains on the western side of the Nile,
in what came to be called "The Valley of the Kings' Tombs"; her succes-
sors followed her example, until some sixty royal sepulchres had been cut
into the hills, and the city of the dead began to rival living Thebes in
'( population. The "West End" in Egyptian cities was the abode of dead
j aristocrats; to "go west" meant to die.
For twenty-two years the Queen ruled in wisdom and peace; Thutmose
III followed with a reign of many wars. Syria took advantage of Hatshep-
sut's death to revolt; it did not seem likely to the Syrians that Thutmose,
a lad of twenty-two, would be able to maintain the empire created by his
father. But Thutmose set off in the very year of his accession, marched
his army through Kantara and Gaza at twenty miles a day, and confronted
the rebel forces at Har-Mcgiddo (i.e., Mt. Megiddo), a little town so
strategically placed between the rival Lebanon ranges on the road from
Egypt to the Euphrates that it has been the Ar-mageddon of countless wars
from that day to General Allenby's. In the same pass where in 1918 the
British defeated the Turks, Thutmose III, 3397 years before, defeated the
Syrians and their allies. Then Thutmose marched victorious through
western Asia, subduing, taxing and levying tribute, and returned to Thebes
in triumph six months after his departure.* 4 *
This was the first of fifteen campaigns in which the irresistible Thutmose
made Egypt master of the Mediterranean world. Not only did he conquer,
but he organized; everywhere he left doughty garrisons and capable gov-
ernors. The first man in known history to recognize the importance of sea
power, he built a fleet that kept the Near East effectively in leash. The
spoils that he seized became the foundation of Egyptian art in the period
of the Empire; the tribute that he drained from Syria gave his people an
epicurean ease, and created a new class of artists who filled all Egypt with
* Allenby took twice as long to accomplish a similar result; Napoleon, attempting it at
Acre, failed.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 155
precious things. We may vaguely estimate the wealth of the new imperial
government when we learn that on one occasion the treasury was able to
measure out nine thousand pounds of gold and silver alloy. 48 Trade flour-
ished in Thebes as never before; the temples groaned with offerings; and
at Karnak the lordly Promenade and Festival Hall rose to the greater glory
of god and king. Then the King retired from the battlefield, designed
exquisite vases, and gave himself to internal administration. His vizier or
prime minister said of him, as tired secretaries were to say of Napoleon:
"Lo, His Majesty was one who knew what happened; there was nothing
of which he was ignorant; he was the god of knowledge in everything;
there was no matter that he did not carry out." 43 * He passed away after
a rule of thirty-two (some say fifty-four) years, having made Egyptian
leadership in the Mediterranean world complete.
After him another conqueror, Amenhotep II, subdued again certain
idolaters of liberty in Syria, and returned to Thebes with seven captive
kings, still alive, hanging head downward from the prow of the imperial
galley; six of them he sacrificed to Amon with his own hand. 4 * Then an-
other Thutmose, who does not count; and in 1412 Amenhotep HI began
a long reign in which the accumulated wealth of a century of mastery
brought Egypt to the acme of her splendor. A fine bust in the British
Museum shows him as a man at once of refinement and of strength, able
to hold firmly together the empire bequeathed to him, and yet living in
an atmosphere of comfort and elegance that might have been envied by
Petronius or the Medici. Only the exhuming of Tutenkhamon's relics
could make us credit the traditions and records of Amenhotep's riches
and luxury. In his reign Thebes was as majestic as any city in history.
Her streets crowded with merchants, her markets filled with the goods of
the world, her buildings "surpassing in magnificence all those of ancient or
modern capitals," 415 her imposing palaces receiving tribute from an endless
chain of vassal states, her massive temples "enriched all over with gold" 46
and adorned with ever)" art, her spacious villas and costly chateaux, her
shaded promenades and artificial lakes providing the scene for sumptuous
displays of fashion that anticipated Imperial Rome 47 such was Egypt's
capital in the days of her glory, in the reign before her fall.
156 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
in. THE CIVILIZATION OF EGYPT
1. Agriculture
Behind these kings and queens were pawns; behind these temples, pal-
aces and pyramids were the workers of the cities and the peasants of the
fields.* Herodotus describes them optimistically as he found them about
450 B.C.
They gather in the fruits of the earth with less labor than any
other people, ... for they have not the toil of breaking up the
furrow with the plough, nor of hoeing, nor of any other work
which all other men must labor at to obtain a crop of corn; but
when the river has come of its own accord and irrigated their fields,
and having irrigated them has subsided, then each man sows his own
land and turns his swine into it; and when the seed has been trod-
den into it by the swine he waits for harvest time; then ... he
gathers it in. 48
As the swine trod in the seed, so apes were tamed and taught to pluck
fruit from the trees." And the same Nile that irrigated the fields deposited
upon them, in its inundation, thousands of fish in shallow pools; even the
same net with which the peasant fished during the day was used around
his head at night as a double protection against mosquitoes." Neverthe-
less it was not he who profited by the bounty of the river. Every acre of
the soil belonged to the Pharaoh, and other men could use it only by his kind
indulgence; every tiller of the earth had to pay him an annual tax of ten 81
or twenty" per cent in kind. Large tracts were owned by the feudal
barons or other wealthy men; the size of some of these estates may be
judged from the circumstance that one of them had fifteen hundred cows. 54
Cereals, fish and meat were the chief items of diet. One fragment tells the
school-boy what he is permitted to eat; it includes thirty-three forms of
flesh, forty-eight baked meats, and twenty-four varieties of drink. 85 The
rich washed down their meals with wine, the poor with barley beer."
The lot of the peasant was hard. The "free" farmer was subject only
to the middleman and the tax-collector, who dealt with him on the most
time-honored of economic principles, taking "all that the traffic would
* The population of Egypt in the fourth century before Christ is estimated at some
[ 7,000,000 souls. 48
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 157
bear" out of the produce of the land. Here is how a complacent contempo-
rary scribe conceived the life of the men who fed ancient Egypt:
Dost thou not recall the picture of the farmer when the tenth
of his grain is levied? Worms have destroyed half the wheat, and
the hippopotami have eaten the rest; there are swarms of rats in the
fields, the grasshoppers alight there, the cattle devour, the little birds
pilfer; and if the farmer loses sight for an instant of what remains
on the ground, it is carried off by robbers; moreover, the thongs
which bind the iron and the hoe are worn out, and the team has died
at the plough. It is then that the scribe steps out of the boat at the
landing-place to levy the tithe, and there come the Keepers of the
Doors of the (King's) Granary with cudgels, and Negroes with
ribs of palm-leaves, crying, "Come now, come!" There is none, and
they throw the cultivator full length upon the ground, bind him,
drag him to the canal, and fling him in head first; his wife is bound
with him, his children are put into chains. The neighbors in the
meantime leave him and fly to save their grain."
It is a characteristic bit of literary exaggeration; but the author might
have added that the peasant was subject at any time to the corvee, doing
forced labor for the King, dredging the canals, building roads, tilling the
royal lands, or dragging great stones and obelisks for pyramids, temples
and palaces. Probably a majority of the laborers in the field were mod-
erately content, accepting their poverty patiently. Many of them were
slaves, captured in the wars or bonded for debt; sometimes slave-raids were
organized, and women and children from abroad were sold to the highest
bidder at home. An old relief in the Leyden Museum pictures a long
procession of Asiatic captives passing gloomily into the land of bondage:
one sees them still alive on that vivid stone, their hands tied behind their
backs or their heads, or thrust through rude handcuffs of wood; their
faces empty with the apathy that has known the last despair.
2. Industry
Miners Manufactures Workers Engineers Transport--
Postal serviceCommerce and financeScribes
Slowly, as the peasants toiled, an economic surplus grew, and food was
laid aside for workers in industry and trade. Having no minerals, Egypt
158 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIH
sought them in Arabia and Nubia. The great distances offered no tempta-
tion to private initiative, and for many centuries mining was a government
monopoly." Copper was mined in small quantities,"* iron was imported
from the Hittites, gold mines were found along the eastern coast, in Nubia,
and in every vassal treasury. Diodorus Siculus (56 B.C.) describes Egyptian
miners following with lamp and pick the veins of gold in the earth, chil-
dren carrying up the heavy ore, stone mortars pounding it to bits, old men
and women washing the dirt away. We cannot tell to what extent
nationalistic exaggeration distorts the famous passage:
The kings of Egypt collect condemned prisoners, prisoners of
war and others who, beset by false accusations, have been in a fit
of anger thrown into prison. These sometimes alone, sometimes
with their entire familythey send to the gold mines, partly to
exact a just vengeance for crimes committed by the condemned,
partly to secure for themselves a big revenue through their toil.
... As these workers can take no care of their bodies, and have
not even a garment to hide their nakedness, there is no one who,
seeing these luckless people, would not pity them because of the
excess of their misery, for there is no forgiveness or relaxation at
all for the sick, or the maimed, or the old, or for woman's weakness;
but all with blows are compelled to stick to their labor until, worn
out, they die in their servitude. Thus the poor wretches even ac-
count the future more dreadful than the present because of the
excess of their punishment, and look to death as more desirable
than life. 60
In its earliest dynasties Egypt learned the art of fusing copper with
tin to make bronze: first, bronze weapons swords, helmets and shields;
then bronze tools wheels, rollers, levers, pulleys, windlasses, wedges,
lathes, screws, drills that bored the toughest diorite stone, saws that cut
the massive slabs of the sarcophagi. Egyptian workers made brick, cement
and plaster of Paris; they glazed pottery, blew glass, and glorified both
with color. They were masters in the carving of wood; they made every-
thing from boats and carriages, chairs and beds, to handsome coffins that
almost invited men to die. Out of animal skins they made clothing,
quivers, shields and seats; all the arts of the tanner are pictured on the walls
of the tombs; and the curved knives represented there in the tanner's hand
are used by cobblers to this day. 81 From the papyrus plant Egyptian
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 1 59
artisans made ropes, mats, sandals and paper. Other workmen developed
the arts of enameling and varnishing, and applied chemistry to industry.
Still others wove tissues of the subtlest weave in the history of the textile
art; specimens of linen woven four thousand years ago show today, despite
time's corrosion, "a weave so fine that it requires a magnifying glass to dis-
tinguish it from silk; the best work of the modern machine-loom is coarse
in comparison with this fabric of the ancient Egyptian hand-loom."" "If," <
says Peschel, "we compare the technical inventory of the Egyptians with
our own, it is evident that before the invention of the steam-engine we
scarcely excelled them in anything." 8 *
The workers were mostly freemen, partly slaves. In general every
trade was a caste, as in modern India, and sons were expected to follow
and take over the occupations of their fathers. 84 * The great wars brought
in thousands of captives, making possible the large estates and the triumphs
of engineering. Ramcses HI presented 1 13,000 slaves to the temples during
the course of his reign. 80 The free artisans were usually organized for
the specific undertaking by a "chief workman" or overseer, who sold their
labor as a group and paid them individually. A chalk tablet in the British
Museum contains a chief workman's record of forty-three workers, listing
their absences and their causes "ill," or "sacrificing to the the god," or just
plain "lazy." Strikes were frequent. Once, their pay being long overdue,
the workmen besieged the overseer and threatened him. "We have been
driven here by hunger and thirst," they told him; "we have no clothes, we
have no oil, we have no food. Write to our lord the Pharaoh on the sub-
ject, and write to the governor" (of the nome) "who is over us, that they
may give us something for our sustenance."" 7 A Greek tradition reports a
great revolt in Egypt, in which the slaves captured a province, and held it
so long that time, which sanctions everything, gave them legal ownership
of it; but of this revolt there is no record in Egyptian inscriptions. 88 It is
surprising that a civilization so ruthless in its exploitation of labor should
have known or recordedso few revolutions.
Egyptian engineering was superior to anything known to the Greeks or
Romans, or to Europe before the Industrial Revolution; only our time has
excelled it, and we may be mistaken. Senusret III, for example, builtf a
wall twenty-seven miles long to gather into Lake Moeris the waters of
* "If any artisan," adds Diodorus, "takes part in public affairs he is severely beaten." 68
t This word, when used in reference to rulers, must always be understood as a euphemism.
l6o THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
the Fayum basin, thereby reclaiming 25,000 acres of marsh land for cul-
tivation, and providing a vast reservoir for irrigation.* Great canals were
constructed, some from the Nile to the Red Sea; the caisson was used for
digging, 10 and obelisks weighing a thousand tons were transported over
great distances. If we may credit Herodotus, or judge from later under-
takings of the same kind represented in the reliefs of the Eighteenth
Dynasty, these immense stones were drawn on greased beams by thousands
of slaves, and raised to the desired level on inclined approaches beginning
far away. 71 Machinery was rare because muscle was cheap. See, in one
relief, eight hundred rowers in twenty-seven boats drawing a barge laden
with two obelisks; 78 this is the Eden to which our romantic machine-
wreckers would return. Ships a hundred feet long by half a hundred
feet wide plied the Nile and the Red Sea, and finally sailed the Mediter-
ranean. On land goods were transported by human muscle, later by
donkeys, later by the horse, which probably the Hyksos brought to Egypt;
the camel did not appear till Ptolemaic days. 73 The poor man walked, or
paddled his simple boat; the rich man rode in sedan-chairs carried by
slaves, or later in chariots clumsily made with the weight placed entirely
in front of the axle. 74
There was a regular postal service; an ancient papyrus says, "Write to
me by the letter-carrier." 76 Communication, however, was difficult; roads
were few and bad, except for the military highwa yAntrough Gaza to
the Euphrates; 78 and the serpentine form of the Nile, which was the main
highroad of Egypt, doubled the distance from town to town. Trade was
comparatively primitive; most of it was by barter in village bazaars. For-
eign commerce grew slowly, restricted severely by the most up-to-date
tariff walls; the various kingdoms of the Near East believed strongly in the
"protective principle," for customs dues were a mainstay of their royal
treasuries. Nevertheless Egypt grew rich by importing raw materials and
exporting finished products; Syrian, Cretan and Cypriote merchants
crowded the markets of Egypt, and Phoenician galleys sailed up the Nile
to the busy wharves of Thebes. 77
Coinage had not yet developed; payments, even of the highest salaries,
were made in goods corn, bread, yeast, beer, etc. Taxes were collected
in kind, and the Pharaoh's treasuries were not a mint of money, but store-
houses of a thousand products from the fields and shops. After the influx
of precious metals that followed the conquests of Thutmose HI, merchants
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT l6l
began to pay for goods with rings or ingots of gold, measured by weight
at every transaction; but no coins of definite value guaranteed by the state
arose to facilitate exchange. Credit, however, was highly developed;
written transfers frequently took the place of barter or payment; scribes
were busy everywhere accelerating business with legal documents of ex-
change, accounting and finance.
Every visitor to the Louvre has seen the statue of the Egyptian scribe,
squatting on his haunches, almost completely nude, dressed with a pen
behind the car as reserve for the one he holds in his hand. He keeps record
of work done and goods paid, of prices and costs, of profits and loss; he
counts the cattle as they move to the slaughter, or corn as it is measured
out in sale; he draws up contracts and wills, and makes out his master's
income-tax; verily there is nothing new under the sun. He is sedulously
attentive and mechanically industrious; he has just enough intelligence
not to be dangerous. His life is monotonous, but he consoles himself by
writing essays on the hardships of the manual worker's existence, and
the princely dignity of those whose food is paper and whose blood is ink.
3. Government
The bureaucratsLaw The vizierThe pharaoh
With these scribes as a clerical bureaucracy the Pharaoh and the pro-
vincial nobles maintained law and order in the state. Ancient slabs show
such clerks taking the census, and examining income-tax returns. Through
Nilometcrs that measured the rise of the river, the scribe-officials forecast
the size of the harvest, and estimated the government's future revenue;
they allotted appropriations in advance to governmental departments,
supervised industry and trade, and in some measure achieved, almost at
the outset of history, a planned economy regulated by the state. 78
Civil and criminal legislation were highly developed, and already in the
Fifth Dynasty the law of private property and bequest was intricate and
precise. 79 As in our own days, there was absolute equality before the
law whenever the contesting parties had equal resources and influence.
The oldest legal document in the world is a brief, in the British Museum,
presenting to the court a complex case in inheritance. Judges required
cases to be pled and answered, reargued and rebutted, not in oratory but
in writingwhich compares favorably with our windy litigation. Perjury
l6l THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
was punished with death. 80 There were regular courts, rising from local
judgment-seats in the nomes to supreme courts at Memphis, Thebes, or
Heliopolis. 81 Torture was used occasionally as a midwife to truth; 88 beating
with a rod was a frequent punishment, mutilation by cutting off nose or
ears, hand or tongue, was sometimes resorted to, 83 or exile to the mines,
or death by strangling, empaling, beheading, or burning at the stake; the
extreme penalty was to be embalmed alive, to be eaten slowly by an in-
escapable coating of corrosive natron. 84 Criminals of high rank were saved
the shame of public execution by being permitted to kill themselves, as in
samurai Japan. 88 We find no signs of any system of police; even the stand-
ing army always small because of Egypt's protected isolation between
deserts and seas was seldom used for internal discipline. Security of life
and property, and the continuity of law and government, rested almost
entirely on the prestige of the Pharaoh, maintained by the schools and the
church. No other nation except China has ever dared to depend so
largely upon psychological discipline.
It was a well-organized government, with a better record of duration
than any other in history. At the head of the administration was the
Vizier, who served at once as prune minister, chief justice, and head of
the treasury; he was the court of last resort under the Pharaoh himself.
A tomb relief shows us the Vizier leaving his house early in the morning
to hear the petitions of the poor, "to hear," as the inscription reads, "what
the people say in their demands, and to make no distinction between small
and great." 80 A remarkable papyrus roll, which comes down to us from
the days of the Empire, purports to be the form of address (perhaps it is
but a literary invention) with which the Pharaoh installed a new Vizier:
Look to the office of the Vizier; be watchful over all that is done
therein. Behold, it is the established support of the whole land. . . .
The Vizierate is not sweet; it is bitter. . . . Behold, it is not to
show respect-of-pcrsons to princes and councillors; it is not to make
for himself slaves of any people. . . . Behold, when a petitioner
comes from Upper or Lower Egypt ... see thou to it that every-
thing is done in accordance with law, that everything is done ac-
cording to the custom thereof, (giving) to (every man) his right.
... It is an abomination of the god to show partiality. . . . Look
upon him who is known to thee like him who is unknown to thce;
and him who is near the King like him who is far from (his House).
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 163
Behold, a prince who does this, he shall endure here in this place.
. . . The dread of a prince is that he does justice. . . . (Behold
the regulation) that is laid upon thee.* 7
The Pharaoh himself was the supreme court; any case might under
certain circumstances be brought to him, if the plaintiff was careless of
expense. Ancient carvings show us the "Great House" from which he
ruled, and in which the offices of the government were gathered; from this
Great House, which the Egyptians called Pero and which the Jews trans-
lated Pharaoh, came the title of the emperor. Here he carried on an
arduous routine of executive work, sometimes with a schedule as rigorous
as Chandragupta's, Louis XIV's or Napoleon's. 88 When he traveled the
nobles met him at the feudal frontiers, escorted and entertained him, and
gave him presents proportionate to their expectations; one lord, says a
proud inscription, gave to Amenhotep II "carriages of silver and gold,
statues of ivory and ebony . . . jewels, weapons, and works of art," 680
shields, 140 bronze daggers, and many vases of precious metal. 8 " The
Pharaoh reciprocated by taking one of the baron's sons to live with him
at court a subtle way of exacting a hostage of fidelity. The oldest of
the courtiers constituted a Council of Elders called Saru, or The Great
Ones, who served as an advisory cabinet to the king.* Such counsel was
in a sense superfluous, for the Pharaoh, with the help of the priests, assumed
divine descent, powers and wisdom; this alliance with the gods was the
secret of his prestige. Consequently he was greeted with forms of address
always flattering, sometimes astonishing, as when, in The Story of Sinuhe,
a good citizen hails him: "O long-living King, may the Golden One"
(Hathor the goddess) "give life to thy nose." 81
As became so godlike a person, the Pharaoh was waited upon by a vari-
ety of aides, including generals, launderers, bleachers, guardians of the
imperial wardrobe, and other men of high degree. Twenty officials col-
laborated to take care of his toilet: barbers who were permitted only to
shave him and cut his hair, hairdressers who adjusted the royal cowl and
diadem to his head, manicurists who cut and polished his nails, perfumers
who deodorized his body, blackened his eyelids with kohl, and reddened
his cheeks and lips with rouge. 01 One tomb inscription describes its occu-
pant as "Overseer of the Cosmetic Box, Overseer of the Cosmetic Pencil,
Sandal-Bearer to the King, doing in the matter of the King's sandals to the
satisfaction of his Law." 06 So pampered, he tended to degenerate, and some-
164 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
times brightened his boredom by manning the imperial barge with young
women clad only in network of a large mesh. The luxury of Amenhotep
III prepared for the debacle of Ikhnaton.
4. Morals
Royal incest The harem Marriage The position of woman
The matriarchate in Egypt Sexual morality
The government of the Pharaohs resembled that of Napoleon, even to
the incest. Very often the king married his own sister occasionally his
own daughter to preserve the purity of the royal blood. It is difficult to
say whether this weakened the stock. Certainly Egypt did not think so,
after several thousand years of experiment; the institution of sister-mar-
riage spread among the people, and as late as the second century after
Christ two-thirds of the citizens of Arsinoe were found to be practising the
custom. 94 The words brother and sister, in Egyptian poetry, have the same
significance as lover and beloved among ourselves. 95 In addition to his sisters
the Pharaoh had an abundant harem, recruited not only from captive
women but from the daughters of the nobles and the gifts of foreign po-
tentates; so Amenhotep III received from a prince of Naharina his eldest
daughter and three hundred select maidens. 98 Some of the nobility imi-
tated this tiresome extravagance on a small scale, adjusting their morals to
their resources.
For the most part the common people, like persons of moderate
income everywhere, contented themselves with monogamy. Family life was
apparently as well ordered, as wholesome in moral tone and influence, as
in the highest civilizations of our time. Divorce was rare until the decadent
dynasties. The husband could dismiss his wife without compensation if he
detected her in adultery; if he divorced her for other reasons he was re-
quired to turn over to her a substantial share of the family property.
The fidelity of the husband so far as we can fathom such arcana was as
painstaking as in any later culture, and the position of woman was more
advanced than in most countries today. "No people, ancient or modern,"
said Max Miiller, "has given women so high a legal status as did the in-
habitants of the Nile Valley."* 7 The monuments picture them eating and
drinking in public, going about their affairs in the streets unattended
and unharmed, and freely engaging in industry and trade. Greek travel-
CHAP. Vin) EGYPT 165
ers, accustomed to confine their Xanthippes narrowly, were amazed at
this liberty; they jibed at the henpecked husbands of Egypt, and Diodorus
Siculus, perhaps with a twinkle in his eye, reported that along the Nile
obedience of the husband to the wife was required in the marriage bond *
a stipulation not necessary in America. Women held and bequeathed
property in their own names; one of the most ancient documents in his-
tory is the Third Dynasty will in which the lady Neb-sent transmits her
lands to her children." Hatshepsut and Cleopatra rose to be queens, and
ruled and ruined like kings.
Sometimes a cynical note is heard in the literature. One ancient moralist
warns his readers:
Beware of a woman from abroad, who is not known in her city.
Look not upon her when she comes, and know her not. She is like
the vortex of deep waters, whose whirling is unfathomable. The
woman whose husband is far away, she writes to thee every day. If
there is no witness with her she arises and spreads her net. Oh,
deadly crime if one hearkens! 100
But the more characteristically Egyptian tone sounds in Ptah-hotep's
instructions to his son:
If thou art successful, and hast furnished thy house, and lovest the
wife of thy bosom, then fill her stomach and clothe her back. . . .
Make glad her heart during the time thou hast her, for she is a field
profitable to its owner. ... If thou oppose her it will mean thy
And the Boulak Papyrus admonishes the child with touching wisdom:
Thou shah never forget thy mother. . . . For she carried thee long
beneath her breast as a heavy burden; and after thy months were ac-
complished she bore thee. Three long years she carried thee upon
her shoulder, and gave thee her breast to thy mouth. She nurtured
thee, and took no offense from thy uncleanliness. And when thou
didst enter school, and wast instructed in the writings, daily she
stood by the master with bread and beer from the house. 10 *
It is likely that this high status of woman arose from the mildly matri-
archal character of Egyptian society. Not only was woman full mistress
1 66 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
in the house, but all estates descended in the female line; "even in late
times," says Petrie, "the husband made over all his property and future
earnings to his wife in his marriage settlement." 108 Men married their
sisters not because familiarity had bred romance, but because they wished
to enjoy the family inheritance, which passed down from mother to
daughter, and they did not care to see this wealth give aid and comfort to
strangers. 104 The powers of the wife underwent a slow diminution in the
course of time, perhaps through contact with the patriarchal customs of
the Hyksos, and through the transit of Egypt from agricultural isolation
and peace to imperialism and war; under the Ptolemies the influence of the
Greeks was so great that freedom of divorce, claimed in earlier times by
the wife, became the exclusive privilege of the husband. Even then, how-
ever, the change was accepted only by the upper classes; the Egyptian
commoner adhered to matriarchal ways. 105 Possibly because of the mas-
tery of woman over her own affairs, infanticide was rare; Diodorus, thought
it a peculiarity of the Egyptians that every child born to them was reared,
and tells us that parents guilty of infanticide were required by law to hold
the dead child in their arms for three days and nights. 100 Families were
large, and children swarmed in both hovels and palaces; the well-to-do
were hard put to it to keep count of their offspring. 107
Even in courtship the woman usually took the initiative. The love
poems and letters that have come down to us are generally addressed by
the lady to the man; she begs for assignations, she presses her suit directly,
she formally proposes marriage. 108 "Oh my beautiful friend," says one
letter, "my desire is to become, as thy wife, the mistress of all thy posses-
sions." 10 * Hence modesty, as distinct from fidelity, was not prominent
among the Egyptians; they spoke of sexual affairs with a directness alien
to our late morality, adorned their very temples with pictures and bas-
reliefs of startling anatomical candor, and supplied their dead with obscene
literature to amuse them in the grave." Blood ran warm along the Nile:
girls were nubile at ten, and premarital morals were free and easy; one
courtesan, in Ptolemaic days, was reputed to have built a pyramid with her
savings; even sodomy had its clientele. 111 Dancing-girls, in the manner of
Japan, were accepted into the best male society as providers of enter-
tainment and physical edification; they dressed in diaphanous robes, or
contented themselves with anklets, bracelets and rings. 113 Evidences occur
of religious prostitution on a small scale; as late as the Roman occupa-
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 1 67
tion the most beautiful girl among the noble families of Thebes was chosen
to be consecrated to Amon. When she was too old to satisfy the god she
received an honorable discharge, married, and moved in the highest
circles."* It was a civilization with different prejudices from our own.
5. Manners
Character Games Appearance Cosmetics Costume Jewelry
If we try to visualize the Egyptian character we find it difficult to dis-
tinguish between the ethics of the literature and the actual practices of life.
Very frequently noble sentiments occur; a poet, for example, counsels his
countrymen:
Give bread to him who has no field,
And create for thyself a good name for ever more;" 1
and some of the elders give very laudable advice to their children. A papyrus
in the British Museum, known to scholars as "The Wisdom of Amenemope"
(ca. 950 B.C.), prepares a student for public office with admonitions that prob-
ably influenced the author or authors of the "Proverbs of Solomon."
Be not greedy for a cubit of land,
And trespass not on the boundary of the widow. . . .
Plough the fields that thou mayest find thy needs,
And receive thy bread from thine own threshing floor.
Better is a bushel which God giveth to thee
Than five thousand gained by transgression. . . .
Better is poverty in the hand of God
Than riches in the storehouse;
And better are loaves when the heart is joyous
Than riches in unhappiness. . . .""
Such pious literature did not prevent the normal operation of human greed.
Plato described the Athenians as loving knowledge, the Egyptians as loving
wealth; perhaps he was too patriotic. In general the Egyptians were the
Americans of antiquity: enamored of size, given to gigantic engineering and
majestic building, industrious and accumulative, practical even in the midst of
many ultramundane superstitions. They were the arch-conservatives of his-
tory; the more they changed, the more they remained the same; through
forty centuries their artists copied the old conventions religiously. They ap-
pear to us, from their monuments, to have been a matter-of-fact people, not
given to non-theological nonsense. They had no sentimental regard for
l68 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
human life, and killed with the clear conscience of nature; Egyptian soldiers
cut off the right hand, or the phallus, of a slain enemy, and brought it to the
proper scribe that it might be put into the record to their credit. 11 " In the
later dynasties the people, long accustomed to internal peace and to none but
distant wars, lost all military habits and qualities, until at last a few Roman
soldiers sufficed to master all Egypt. 1 "
The accident that we know them chiefly from the remains in their tombs
or the inscriptions on their temples has misled us into exaggerating their
solemnity. We perceive from some of their sculptures and reliefs, and from
their burlesque stories of the gods, 118 that they had a jolly turn for humor.
They played many public and private games, such as checkers and dice; 118 they
gave many modern toys to their children, like marbles, bouncing balls, ten-
pins and tops; they enjoyed wrestling contests, boxing matches and bull-
fights. 130 At feasts and recreations they were anointed by attendants, were
wreathed with flowers, feted with wines, and presented with gifts.
From the painting and the statuary we picture them as a physically
vigorous people, muscular, broad-shouldered, thin-waisted, full-lipped, and
flat-footed from going unshod. The upper classes are represented as
fashionably slender, imperiously tall, with oval face, sloping forehead,
regular features, a long, straight nose, and magnificent eyes. Their skin was
white at birth (indicating an Asiatic rather than an African origin), but
rapidly darkened under the Egyptian sun; 121 their artists idealized them in
painting the men red, the women yellow; perhaps these colors were merely
cosmetic styles. The man of the people, however, is pictured as short and
squat, like the "Sheik-el-Belcd," formed by heavy toil and an unbalanced
ration; his features are rough, his nose blunt and wide; he is intelligent but
coarse. Perhaps, as in so many other instances, the people and their rulers
were of different races: the rulers of Asiatic, the people of African, deriva-
tion. The hair was dark, sometimes curly, but never woolly. Women
bobbed their hair in the most modern mode; men shaved lips and chin,
but consoled themselves with magnificent wigs. Often, in order to wear
these more comfortably, they shaved the head; even the queen consort
(e.g., Ikhnaton's mother Tiy) cut off all her hair to wear more easily the
royal wig and crown. It was a matter of rigid etiquette that the king
should have the biggest wig. 128
According to their means they repaired the handiwork of nature
with subtle cosmetic art. Faces were rouged, lips were painted, nails were
colored, hair and limbs were oiled; even in the sculptures the Egyptian
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 1 69
women have painted eyes. Those who could afford it had seven creams
and two kinds of rouge put into their tombs when they died. The re-
mains abound in toilet sets, mirrors, razors, hair-curlers, hair-pins, combs,
cosmetic boxes, dishes and spoons made of wood, ivory, alabaster or
bronze, and designed in delightful and appropriate forms. Eye-paint still
survives in some of the tubes. The kohl that women use today for paint-
ing the eyebrows and the face is a lineal descendant of the oil used by
the Egyptians; it has come down to us through the Arabs, whose word for
it, al-kohl, has given us our word alcohol. Perfumes of all sorts were
used on the body and the clothes, and homes were made fragrant with
incense and myrrh. 1 *
Their clothing ran through every gradation from primitive nudity to
the gorgeous dress of Empire days. Children of both sexes went about,
till their teens, naked except for ear-rings and necklaces; the girls, however,
showed a beseeming modesty by wearing a string of beads around the
middle." 4 Servants and peasants limited their everyday wardrobe to a
loin-cloth. Under the Old Kingdom free men and women went naked
to the navel, and covered themselves from waist to knees with a short, tight
skirt of white linen. 125 Since shame is a child of custom rather than of
nature, these simple garments contented the conscience as completely as
Victorian petticoats and corsets, or the evening dress of the contemporary
American male; "our virtues lie in the interpretation of the time." Even
the priests, in the first dynasties, wore nothing but loin-cloths, as we see
from the statue of Ranofcr. 130 When wealth increased, clothing increased;
the Middle Kingdom added a second and larger skirt over the first, and
the Empire added a covering for the breast, with now and then a cape.
Coachmen and grooms took on formidable costumes, and ran through
the streets in full livery to clear a way for the chariots of their masters.
Women, in the prosperous dynasties, abandoned the tight skirt for a
loose robe that passed over the shoulder and was joined in a clasp under
the right breast. Flounces, embroideries and a thousand frills appeared,
and fashion entered like a serpent to disturb the paradise of primitive
nudity. 187
Both sexes loved ornament, and covered neck, breast, arms, wrists and
ankles with jewelry. As the nation fattened on the tribute of Asia and
the commerce of the Mediterranean world, jewelry ceased to be restricted
to the aristocracy, and became a passion with all classes. Every scribe and
170 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
merchant had his seal of silver or gold; every man had a ring, every woman
had an ornamental chain. These chains, as we see them in the museums
today, are of infinite variety: some of them two to three inches, some
of them five feet, in length; some thick and heavy, some "as slight and
flexible as the finest Venetian lace." 188 About the time of the Eighteenth
Dynasty ear-rings became de rigueur; every one had to have the ears
pierced for them, not only girls and women, but boys and men. 128 Men as
well as women decorated their persons with bracelets and rings, pendants
and beads of costly stone. The women of ancient Egypt could learn very
little from us in the matter of cosmetics and jewelry if they were rein-
carnated among us today.
6. Letters
EducationSchools of government Paper and ink Stages in the
development of writing Forms of Egyptian writing
The priests imparted rudimentary instruction to the children of the
well-to-do in schools attached to the temples, as in the Roman Catholic
parishes of our age. 180 One high-priest, who was what we should term Min-
ister or Secretary of Education, calls himself "Chief of the Royal Stable
of Instruction." 181 In the ruins of a school which was apparently part of
the Ramesseum a large number of shells has been found, still bearing
the lessons of the ancient pedagogue. The teacher's function was to pro-
duce scribes for the clerical work of the state. To stimulate his pupils he
wrote eloquent essays on the advantages of education. "Give thy heart
to learning, and love her like a mother," says one edifying papyrus, "for
there is nothing so precious as learning." "Behold," says another, "there is
no profession that is not governed; it is only the learned man who rules
himself." It is a misfortune to be a soldier, writes an early bookworm; it
is a weariness to till the earth; the only happiness is "to turn the heart to
books during the daytime and to read during the night." 1 *
Copy-books survive from the days of the Empire with the corrections
of the masters still adorning the margins; the abundance of errors would
console the modern schoolboy. 1 * The chief method of instruction was the
dictation or copying of texts, which were written upon potsherds or lime-
stone flakes. 184 The subjects were largely commercial, for the Egyptians
were the first and greatest utilitarians; but the chief topic of pedagogic
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 171
discourse was virtue, and the chief problem, as ever, was discipline. "Do
not spend thy time in wishing, or thou wilt come to a bad end," we read
in one of the copy-books. "Let thy mouth read the book in thy hand;
take advice from those who know more than thou dost" this last is prob-
ably one of the oldest phrases in any language. Discipline was vigorous,
and based upon the simplest principles. "The youth has a back," says a
euphemistic manuscript, "and attends when he is beaten, ... for the ears
of the young are placed on the back." A pupil writes to his former
teacher: "Thou didst beat my back, and thy instructions went into my
ear." That this animal-training did not always succeed appears from a
papyrus in which a teacher laments that his former pupils love books
much less than beer. 1 *
Nevertheless, a large number of the temple students were graduated
from the hands of the priest to high schools attached to the offices of the
state treasury. There, in the first known School of Government, the young
scribes were instructed in public administration. On graduating they were
apprenticed to officials, who taught them through plenty of work. Per-
haps it was a better way of securing and training public servants than
our modern selection of them by popularity and subserviency, and the
noise of the hustings. In this manner Egypt and Babylonia developed,
more or less simultaneously, the earliest school-systems in history; 130 not till
the nineteenth century of our era was the public instruction of the young
to be so well organized again.
In the higher grades the student was allowed to use paper one of the
main items of Egyptian trade, and one of the permanent gifts of Egypt
to the world. The stem of the papyrus plant was cut into strips, other
strips were placed crosswise upon these, the sheet was pressed, and
paper, the very stuff (and nonsense) of civilization, was made. 187 How well
they made it may be judged from the fact that manuscripts written by
them five thousand years ago are still intact and legible. Sheets were com-
bined into books by gumming the right edge of one sheet to the left edge
of the next; in this way rolls were produced which were sometimes forty
yards in length; they were seldom longer, for there were no verbose his-
torians in Egypt. Ink, black and indestructible, was made by mixing
water with soot and vegetable gums on a wooden palette; the pen was a
simple reed, fashioned at the tip into a tiny brush. 1 *
With these modern instruments the Egyptians wrote the most ancient
172 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
of literatures. Their language had probably come in from Asia; the
oldest specimens of it show many Semitic affinities. 180 The earliest writing
was apparently pictographic an object was represented by drawing a pic-
ture of it: e.g., the word for house (Egyptian per) was indicated by a
small rectangle with an opening on one of the long sides. As some ideas
were too abstract to be literally pictured, pictography passed into ideog-
raphy: certain pictures were by custom and convention used to represent
not the objects pictured but the ideas suggested by them; so the forepart
of a lion meant supremacy (as in the Sphinx), a wasp meant royalty, and
a tadpole stood for thousands. As a further development along this line,
abstract ideas, which had at first resisted representation, were indicated
by picturing objects whose names happened to resemble the spoken words
that corresponded to the ideas; so the picture of a lute came to mean not
only lute, but good, because the Egyptian word-sound for lute- nefer
resembled the word-sound for good nofer. Queer rebus combinations
grew out of these homonyms words of like sound but different meanings.
Since the verb to be was expressed in the spoken language by the sound
khopiru, the scribe, being puzzled to find a picture for so intangible a con-
ception, split the word into parts, kho-pi-ru, expressed these by picturing
in succession a sieve (called in the spoken language khau), a mat (pi), and
a mouth (ru)\ use and wont, which sanctify so many absurdities, soon
made this strange assortment of characters suggest the idea of being. In
this way the Egyptian arrived at the syllable, the syllabic sign, and the
syllabary i.e., a collection of syllabic signs; and by dividing difficult words
into syllables, finding homonyms for these, and drawing in combina-
tion the objects suggested by these syllabic sounds, he was able, in the
course of time, to make the hieroglyphic signs convey almost any idea.
Only one step remained to invent letters. The sign for a house meant
at first the word for house per; then it meant the sound per, or p-r with
any vowel in between, as a syllable in any word. Then the picture was
shortened, and used to represent the sound po, pa, pu, pe or pi in any
word; and since vowels were never written, this was equivalent to having
a character for JP. By a like development the sign for a hand (Egyptian
dot) came to mean do, da, etc., finally D; the sign for mouth (ro or ru)
came to mean R; the sign for snake (zt) became Z; the sign for lake (shy)
became Sh. . . . The result was an alphabet of twenty-four consonants,
which passed with Egyptian and Phoenician trade to all quarters of the
Mediterranean, and came down, via Greece and Rome, as one of the most
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 173
precious parts of our Oriental heritage. 140 Hieroglyphics are as old as the
earliest dynasties; alphabetic characters appear first in inscriptions left by
the Egyptians in the mines of the Sinai peninsula, variously dated at 2500
and 1500 B.C. 141 *
Whether wisely or not, the Egyptians never adopted a completely
alphabetic writing; like modern stenographers they mingled pictographs,
ideographs and syllabic signs with their letters to the very end of their
civilization. This has made it difficult for scholars to read Egyptian, but
it is quite conceivable that such a medley of longhand and shorthand
facilitated the business of writing for those Egyptians who could spare the
time to learn it. Since English speech is no honorable guide to English
spelling, it is probably as difficult for a contemporary lad to learn the
devious ways of English orthography as it was for the Egyptian scribe to
memorize by use the five hundred hieroglyphs, their secondary syllabic
meanings, and their tertiary alphabetic uses. In the course of time a more
rapid and sketchy form of writing was developed for manuscripts, as dis-
tinguished from the careful "sacred carvings" of the monuments. Since
this corruption of hieroglyphic was first made by the priests and the
temple scribes, it was called by the Greeks hieratic; but it soon passed into
common use for public, commercial and private documents. A still more
abbreviated and careless form of this script was developed by the common
people, and therefore came to be known as demotic. On the monuments,
however, the Egyptian insisted on having his lordly and lovely hiero-
glyphicperhaps the most picturesque form of writing ever made.
7. Literature
Texts and librariesThe Egyptian SinbadThe Story of Sinuhe
FictionAn amorous fragment Love poems History A
literary revolution
Most of the literature that survives from ancient Egypt is written in
hieratic script. Little of it remains, and we are forced to estimate it
from the fragments that do it only the blind justice of chance; perhaps time
destroyed the Shakespeares of Egypt, and preserved only the poets laure-
ate. A great official of the Fourth Dynasty is called on his tomb "Scribe
* Sir Charles Marston believes, from his recent researches in Palestine, that the alphabet
was a Semitic invention, and credits it, on highly imaginative grounds, to Abraham him-
self."*
174 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VHl
of the House of Books"; 148 we cannot tell whether this primeval library
was a repository of literature, or only a dusty storehouse of public records
and documents. The oldest extant Egyptian literature consists of the
"Pyramid Texts" pious matter engraved on the walls in five pyramids
of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties.* 148 Libraries have come down to us from
as far back as 2000 B.C. papyri rolled and packed in jars, labeled, and
ranged. on shelves; 1 " 5 in one such jar was found the oldest form of the story
of Sinbad the Sailor, or, as we might rather call it, Robinson Crusoe.
"The Story of the Shipwrecked Sailor" is a simple autobiographical
fragment, full of life and feeling. "How glad is he," says this ancient
mariner, in a line reminiscent of Dante, "that relateth what he hath ex-
perienced when the calamity hath passed!"
I will relate to thee something that was experienced by me myself,
when I had set out for the mines of the Sovereign and had gone
down to the sea in a ship of 180 feet in length and 60 feet in breadth;
and therein were 120 sailors of the pick of Egypt. They scanned the
sky, they scanned the earth, and their hearts were more . . . than
those of lions. They foretold a storm or ever it came, and a tempest
when as yet it was not.
A storm burst while we were yet at sea. . . . We flew before the
wind and it made ... a wave eight cubits high. . . .
Then the ship perished, and of them that were in it not one sur-
vived. And I was cast onto an island by a wave of the sea, and I
spent three days alone with mine heart as my companion. I slept
under the shelter of a tree, and embraced the shade. Then I stretched
forth my feet in order to find out what I could put into my mouth.
I found figs and vines there, and all manner of fine leeks. . . . There
were fish there and fowl, and there was nothing that was not in it.
. . . When I had made me a fire-drill I kindled a fire and made a
burnt-offering for the gods. 146
Another tale recounts the adventures of Sinuhe, a public official who
flees from Egypt at the death of Amenemhet I, wanders from country to
country of the Near East, and, despite prosperity and honors there, suffers
unbearably from lonesomeness for his native land. At last he gives up
riches, and makes his way through many hardships back to Egypt.
*A later group of funerary inscriptions, written in ink upon the inner sides of the
wooden coffins used to inter certain nobles and magnates of the Middle Kingdom, have
been gathered together by Breasted and others under the name of "Coffin Texts."" 4
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 175
God, whosoever thou art, that didst ordain this flight, bring me
again to the House (i.e., the Pharaoh). Peradventure thou wilt suffer
me to see the place wherein mine heart dwelleth. What is a greater
matter than that my corpse should be buried in the land wherein I
was born? Come to mine aid! May good befall, may God show me
mercy!
In the sequel we find him home again, weary and dusty with many miles
of desert travel, and fearful lest the Pharaoh reprove him for his long ab-
sence from a land which, like all others, looked upon itself as the only
civilized country in the world. But the Pharaoh forgives him, and extends
to him every cosmetic courtesy:
1 was placed in the house of a king's son, in which there was noble
equipment, and a bath was therein. . . . Years were made to pass
away from my body; I was shaved (?) and my hair was combed (?).
A load (of dirt?) was given over to the desert, and the (filthy)
clothes to the sand-farers. And I was arrayed in finest linen, and
anointed with the best oil. 147
Short stories are diverse and plentiful in the fragments that have come
down to us of Egyptian literature. There arc marvelous tales of ghosts,
miracles, and other fascinating concoctions, as credible as the detective stories
that satisfy modern statesmen; there are high-sounding romances of princes
and princesses, kings and queens, including the oldest known form of the tale
of Cinderella, her exquisite foot, her wandering slipper, and her royal-hymen-
eal denouement; 14 * there are fables of animals illustrating by their conduct the
foibles and passions of humanity, and pointing morals sagely 148 a kind of
premonitory plagiarism from /Esop and La Fontaine. Typical of the Egyptian
mingling of natural and supernatural is the tale of Anupu and Bitiu, older and
younger brothers, who live happily on their farm until Anupu's wife falls in
love with Bitiu, is repulsed by him, and revenges herself by accusing him, to
his brother, of having offered her violence. Gods and crocodiles come to
Bitiu's aid against Anupu; but Bitiu, disgusted with mankind, mutilates himself
to prove his innocence, retires Timon-like to the woods, and places his heart
unreachably high on the topmost flower of a tree. The gods, pitying his lone-
liness, create for him a wife of such beauty that the Nile falls in love with
her, and steals a lock of her hair. Drifting down the stream, the lock is
found by the Pharaoh, who, intoxicated by its scent, commands his henchmen
to find the owner. She is found and brought to him, and he marries her.
Jealous of Bitiu he sends men to cut down the tree on which Bitiu has placed
176 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
his heart. The tree is cut down, and as the flower touches the earth Bitiu
dies."* How little the taste of our ancestors differed from our own!
The early literature of the Egyptians is largely religious; and the oldest
Egyptian poems are the hymns of the Pyramid Texts. Their form is also
the most ancient poetic form known to us that "parallelism of members,"
or repetition of the thought in different phrase, which the Hebrew poets
adopted from the Egyptians and Babylonians, and immortalized in the
Psalms. 151 As the Old passes into the Middle Kingdom, the literature tends
to become secular and "profane." We catch some glimpse of a lost body
of amorous literature in a fragment preserved to us through the laziness of
a Middle Kingdom scribe who did not complete his task of wiping clear
an old papyrus, but left legible some twenty-five lines that tell of a
simple shepherd's encounter with a goddess. "This goddess," says the
story, "met with him as he wended his way to the pool, and she had
stripped off her clothes and disarrayed her hair." The shepherd reports
the matter cautiously:
"Behold ye, when I went down to the swamp. ... I saw a woman
therein, and she looked not like a mortal being. My hair stood on
end when I saw her tresses, because her color was so bright. Never
will I do what she said; awe of her is in my body." 153
The love songs abound in number and beauty, but as they celebrate
chiefly the amours of brothers and sisters they will shock or amuse the
modern ear. One collection is called "The Beautiful Joyous Songs of
thy sister whom thy heart loves, who walks in the fields." An ostracon
or shell dating back to the Nineteenth or Twentieth Dynasty plays a
modern theme on the ancient chords of desire:
The love of my beloved leaps on the bank of the stream.
A crocodile lies in the shadows;
Yet I go down into the water, and breast the wave.
My courage is high on the stream,
And the water is as land to my feet.
It is her love that makes me strong.
She is a book of spells to me.
When I behold my beloved coming my heart is glad,
My arms are spread apart to embrace her;
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 177
My heart rejoices forever . . . since my beloved came.
When I embrace her I am as one who is in Incense Land,
As one who carries perfumes.
When I kiss her, her lips are opened,
And I am made merry without beer.
Would that I were her Negress slave who is in attendance on her;
So should I behold the hue of all her limbs. 168
The lines have been arbitrarily divided here; we cannot tell from the
external form of the original that it is verse. The Egyptians knew that
music and feeling are the twin essences of poetry; if these were present,
the outward shape did not matter. Often, however, the rhythm was ac-
centuated, as we have seen, by "parallelism of members." Sometimes the
poet used the device of beginning every sentence or stanza with the same
word; sometimes he played like a punster with like sounds meaning unlike
or incongruous things; and it is clear from the texts that the trick of
alliteration is as old as the Pyramids. 1 " These simple forms were enough;
with them the Egyptian poet could express almost every shade of that
"romantic" love which Nietzsche supposed was an invention of the
Troubadours. The Harris Papyrus shows that such sentiments could be
expressed by a woman as well as by a man:
I am thy first sister,
And thou art to me as the garden
Which I have planted with flowers
And all sweet-smelling herbs.
I directed a canal into it,
That thou mightcst dip thy hand into it
When the north wind blows cool.
The beautiful place where we take a walk,
When thy hand rests within mine,
With thoughtful mind and joyous heart
Because we walk together.
It is intoxicating to me to hear thy voice,
And my life depends upon hearing thee.
Whenever I see thee
It is better to me than food or drink."*
All in all it is astonishing how varied the fragments are. Formal letters,
legal documents, historical narratives, magic formulas, laborious hymns, books
178 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
of devotion, songs of love and war, romantic novelettes, moral exhortations,
philosophical treatises everything is represented here except epic and drama,
and even of these one might by stretching a point find instances. The story
of Rameses IFs dashing victories, engraved patiently in verse upon brick after
brick of the great pylon at Luxor, is epic at least in length and dulness. In
another inscription Rameses IV boasts that in a play he had defended Osiris
from Set, and had recalled Osiris to life. 1 " Our knowledge does not allow us
to amplify this hint.
Historiography, in Egypt, is as old as history; even the kings of the pre-
dynastic period kept historical records proudly. 3 " Official historians accom-
panied the Pharaohs on their expeditions, never saw their defeats, and re-
corded, or invented, the details of their victories; already the writing of his-
tory had become a cosmetic art. As far back as 2500 B.C. Egyptian scholars
made lists of their kings, named the years from them, and chronicled the out-
standing events of each year and reign; by the time of Thutmose III these
documents became full-fledged histories, eloquent with patriotic emotion. 1 "
Egyptian philosophers of the Middle Kingdom thought both man and history
old and effete, and mourned the lusty youth of their race; Khekheperre-
Sonbu, a savant of the reign of Senusret II, about 2150 B.C., complained that
all things had long since been said, and nothing remained for literature except
repetition. "Would," he cried unhappily, "that I had words that are un-
known, utterances and sayings in new language, that hath not yet passed
away, and without that which hath been said repeatedly not an utterance
that hath grown stale, what the ancestors have already said." 1 "
Distance blurs for us the variety and changefulness of Egyptian lit-
erature, as it blurs the individual differences of unfamiliar peoples. Never-
theless, in the course of its long development Egyptian letters passed
through movements and moods as varied as those that have disturbed the
history of European literature. As in Europe, so in Egypt the language
of everyday speech diverged gradually, at last almost completely, from
that in which the books* of the Old Kingdom had been written. For a
long time authors continued to compose in the ancient tongue; scholars
acquired it in school, and students were compelled to translate the "classics"
with the help of grammars and vocabularies, and with the occasional as-
, sistance of "interlinears." In the fourteenth century B.C. Egyptian authors
rebelled against this bondage to tradition, and like Dante and Chaucer
dared to write in the language of the people; Ikhnaton's famous Hymn to
the Sun is itself composed in the popular speech. The new literature was
realistic, youthful, buoyant; it took delight in flouting the old forms and
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 179
describing the new life. In time this language also became literary and
formal, refined and precise, rigid and impeccable with conventions of
word and phrase; once again the language of letters separated from the
language of speech, and scholasticism flourished; the schools of Sa'ite Egypt
spent half their time studying and translating the "classics" of Ikhnaton's
day. 180 Similar transformations of the native tongue went on under the
Greeks, under the Romans, under the Arabs; another is going on today.
Panta rei all things flow; only scholars never change.
8. Science
Origins of Egyptian science Mathematics Astronomy and the
calendar Anatomy and physiology Medicine, surgery
and hygiene
The scholars of Egypt were mostly priests, enjoying, far from the tur-
moil of life, the comfort and security of the temples; and it was these
priests who, despite all their superstitions, laid the foundations of Egyptian
science. According to their own legends the sciences had been invented
some 18,000 B.C. by Thoth, the Egyptian god of wisdom, during his three-
thousand-year-long reign on earth; and the most ancient books in each
science were among the twenty thousand volumes composed by this
learned deity.* 161 Our knowledge does not permit us to improve sub-
stantially upon this theory of the origins of science in Egypt.
At the very outset of recorded Egyptian history we find mathematics
highly developed; the design and construction of the Pyramids involved a pre-
cision of measurement impossible without considerable mathematical lore.
The dependence of Egyptian life upon the fluctuations of the Nile led to
careful records and calculations of the rise and recession of the river; sur-
veyors and scribes were continually remeasuring the land whose boundaries
had been obliterated by the inundation, and this measuring of the land was
evidently the origin of geo-mctry. 1 * Nearly all the ancients agreed in ascrib-
ing the invention of this science to the Egyptians. 104 Josephus, however,
thought that Abraham had brought arithmetic from Chaldea (i.e., Mesopo-
tamia) to Egypt; 1 " 5 and it is not impossible that this and other arts came to
Egypt from "Ur of the Chaldees," or some other center of western Asia.
* So we are assured by lamblichus (ca. 300 AJ>.) . Manetho, the Egyptian historian (ca.
300 B.C.), would have considered this estimate unjust to the god; the proper number of
Thoth's works, in his reckoning, was 36,000. The Greeks celebrated Thoth under the
name of Hermes Trismegistus Hermes (Mercury) the Thrice-Great. 1 ' 12
l8o THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
The figures used were cumbersome one stroke for i, two strokes for 2, ...
nine strokes for 9, with a new sign for 10. Two 10 signs stood for 20, three
10 signs for 30, ... nine for 90, with a new sign for 100. Two 100 signs stood
for 200, three 100 signs for 300, . . . nine for 900, with a new sign for 1000.
The sign for 1,000,000 was a picture of a man striking his hands above his
head, as if to express amazement that such a number should exist. 108 The
Egyptians fell just short of the decimal system; they had no zero, and never
reached the idea of expressing all numbers with ten digits: e.g., they used
twenty-seven signs to write 999- 107 They had fractions, but always with the
numerator i; to express % they wrote l / 2 + 1 A- Multiplication and division
tables are as old as the Pyramids. The oldest mathematical treatise known is
the Ahmes Papyrus, dating back to 2000-1700 B.C.; but this in turn refers to
mathematical writings five hundred years more ancient than itself. It illus-
trates by examples the computation of the capacity of a barn or the area of a
field, and passes to algebraic equations of the first degree. 108 Egyptian geome-
try measured not only the area of squares, circles and cubes, but also the
cubic content of cylinders and spheres; and it arrived at 3.16 as the value
of ir. 16 * We enjoy the honor of having advanced from 3.16 to 3.1416 in four
thousand years.
Of Egyptian physics and chemistry we know nothing, and almost as little
of Egyptian astronomy. The star-gazers of the temples seem to have con-
ceived the earth as a rectangular box, with mountains at the corners uphold-
ing the sky. 170 They made no note of eclipses, and were in general less ad-
vanced than their Mesopotamian contemporaries. Nevertheless they knew
enough to predict the day on which the Nile would rise, and to orient their
temples toward that point on the horizon where the sun would appear on the
morning of the summer solstice. 1 " Perhaps they knew more than they cared
to publish among a people whose superstitions were so precious to their
rulers; the priests regarded their astronomical studies as an esoteric and mys-
terious science, which they were reluctant to disclose to the common world. 173
For century after century they kept track of the position and movements of
the planets, until their records stretched back for thousands of years. They
distinguished between planets and fixed stars, noted in their catalogues stars
of the fifth magnitude (practically invisible to the unaided eye), and charted
what they thought were the astral influences of the heavens on the fortunes
of men. From these observations they built the calendar which was to be
another of Egypt's greatest gifts to mankind.
They began by dividing the year into three seasons of four months each:
first, tie rise, overflow and recession of the Nile; second, the period of cul-
tivation; and third, the period of harvesting. To each of these months they
assigned thirty days, as being the most convenient approximation to the lunar
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 1 8 1
month of twenty-nine and a half days; their word for month, like ours, was
derived from their symbol for the moon.* At the end of the twelfth month
they added five days to bring the year into harmony with the river and the
sun." 4 As the beginning of their year they chose the day on which the Nile
usually reached its height, and on which, originally, the great star Sirius
(which they called Sothis) rose simultaneously with the sun. Since their
calendar allowed only 365, instead of 36554, days to a year, this "heliacal
rising" of Sirius (i.e., its appearance just before sunrise, after having been
invisible for a number of days) came a day later every four years; and in
this way the Egyptian calendar diverged by six hours annually from the
actual calendar of the sky. The Egyptians never corrected this error. Many
years later (46 B.C.) the Greek astronomers of Alexandria, by direction of
Julius Caesar, improved this calendar by adding an extra day every fourth
year; this was the "Julian Calendar." Under Pope Gregory XIII (1582)
a more accurate correction was made by omitting this extra day (February
zpth) in century years not divisible by 400; this is the "Gregorian Calendar"
that we use today. Our calendar is essentially the creation of the ancient
NearJEast.-r?
Despite the opportunities offered by embalming, the Egyptians made rela-
tively poor progress in the study of the human body. They thought that the
blood-vessels carried air, water, and excretory fluids, and they believed the
* The clepsydra, or water-clock, was so old with the Egyptians that they attributed its
invention to their handy god-of-all-tradcs, Thoth. The oldest clock in existence dates
from Thutmose III, and is now in the Berlin Museum. It consists of a bar of wood,
divided into six parts or hours, upon which a crosspiecc was so placed that its shadow on
the bar would indicate the time of the morning or the afternoon. 178
t Since the heliacal rising of Sirius occurred one day later, every four years, than the
Egyptian calendar demanded, the error amounted to 365 days in 1460 years; on the com-
pletion of this "Sothic cycle" (as the Egyptians called it) the paper calendar and the
celestial calendar again agreed. Since we know from the Latin author Censorius that the
heliacal rising of Sirius coincided in 139 A.D. with the beginning of the Egyptian calendar
year, we may presume that a similar coincidence occurred every 1460 years previously
i.e., in 1321 B.C., 2781 B.C., 4241 B.C., etc. And since the Egyptian calendar was apparently
established in a year when the heliacal rising of Sirius took place on the first day of the
first month, we conclude that that calendar came into operation in a year that opened a
Sothic cycle. The earliest mention of the Egyptian calendar is in the religious texts in-
scribed in the pyramids of the Fourth Dynasty. Since this dynasty is unquestionably
earlier than 1321 B.C., the calendar must have been established in 2781 B.C., or 4241 B.C., or
still earlier. The older date, once acclaimed as the first definite date in history, has been
disputed by Professor ScharfF, and it is possible that we shall have to accept 2781 B.C. as
the approximate birth-year of the Egyptian calendar. This would require a foreshorten-
ing, by three or four hundred years, of the dates assigned above for the early dynasties
and the great Pyramids. As the matter is very much in dispute, the chronology of the
Cambridge Ancient History has been adopted in these pages.
l8l THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
heart and bowels to be the seat of the mind; perhaps if we knew what they
meant by these terms we should find them not so divergent from our own
ephemeral certainties. They described with general accuracy the larger bones
and viscera, and recognized the function of the heart as the driving power of
the organism and the center of the circulatory system: "its vessels," says the
Ebers Papyrus, 17 " "lead to all the members; whether the doctor lays his finger
on the forehead, on the back of the head, on the hands, ... or on the feet,
f everywhere he meets with the heart." From this to Leonardo and Harvey
was but a step which took three thousand years.
The glory of Egyptian science was medicine. Like almost everything
else in the cultural life of Egypt, it began with the priests, and dripped
with evidences of its magical origins. Among the people amulets were
more popular than pills as preventive or curative of disease; disease was to
them a possession by devils, and was to be treated with incantations. A
cold for instance, could be exorcised by such magic words as: "Depart,
cold, son of a cold, thou who breakest the bones, destroyest the skull, mak-
est ill the seven openings of the head! . . . Go out on the floor, stink, stink,
stink!" 177 a cure probably as effective as contemporary remedies for this
ancient disease. From such depths we rise in Egypt to great physicians,
surgeons and specialists, who acknowledged an ethical code that passed
down into the famous Hippocratic oath. 178 Some of them specialized in
obstetrics or gynecology, some treated only gastric disorders, some were
oculists so internationally famous that Cyrus sent for one of them to
come to Persia. 179 The general practitioner was left to gather the crumbs
and heal the poor; in addition to which he was expected to provide cos-
metics, hair-dyes, skin-culture, limb-beautification, and flea-exterminators. 180
Several papyri devoted to medicine have come down to us. The most
valuable of them, named from the Edwin Smith who discovered it, is a
roll fifteen feet long, dating about 1600 B.C., and going back for its sources
to much earlier works; even in its extant form it is the oldest scientific
document known to history. It describes forty-eight cases in clinical
surgery, from cranial fractures to injuries of the spine. Each case is treated
in logical order, under the heads of provisional diagnosis, examination,
semeiology, diagnosis, prognosis, treatment, and glosses on the terms used.
The author notes, with a clarity unrivaled till the eighteenth century
of our era, that control of the lower limbs is localized in the "brain" a
word which here appears for the first time in literature. 1 * 1
The Egyptians enjoyed a great variety of diseases, though they had to
die of them without knowing their Greek names. The mummies and
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 183
papyri tell of spinal tuberculosis, arteriosclerosis, gall-stones, small-pox, in-
fantile paralysis, anemia, rheumatic arthritis, epilepsy, gout, mastoiditis, ap-
pendicitis, and such marvelous affections as spondylitis deformans and
achondroplasia. There are no signs of syphilis or cancer; but pyorrhea and
dental caries, absent in the oldest mummies, become frequent in the later
ones, indicating the progress of civilization. The atrophy and fusion of the
bones of the small toe, often ascribed to the modern shoe, was common in
ancient Egypt, where nearly all ages and ranks went barefoot."*
Against these diseases the Egyptian doctors were armed with an abund-
ant pharmacopoeia. The Ebers Papyrus lists seven hundred remedies for
everything from snake-bite to puerperal fever. The Kahun Papyrus (ca.
1850 B.C.) prescribes suppositories apparently used for contraception. 188 '
The tomb of an JEleventh Dynasty queen revealed a medicine chest con-
taining vases, spoons, dried drugs, and roots. Prescriptions hovered between
medicine and magic, and relied for their effectiveness in great part on the
repulsiveness of the concoction. Lizard's blood, swine's ears and teeth,
putrid meat and fat, a tortoise's brains, an old book boiled in oil, the milk
of a lying-in woman, the water of a chaste woman, the excreta of men,
donkeys, dogs, lions, cats and lice all these are found in the prescriptions.
Baldness was treated by rubbing the head with animal fat. Some of these
cures passed from the Egyptians to the Greeks, from the Greeks to the
Romans, and fromthe Romans to us; we still swallow trustfully the strange
mixtures that were brewed four thousand years ago on the banks of the
Nile. 183
The Egyptians tried to promote health by public sanitation,* by cir-
cumcision of males, t lw and by teaching the people the frequent use of the
enema. Diodorus Siculus 1 * 7 tells us:
In order to prevent sicknesses they look after the health of their
body by means of drenches, fastings and emetics, sometimes every
day, and sometimes at intervals of three or four days. For they say
that the larger part of the food taken into the body is superfluous,
and that it is from this superfluous part that diseases are engendered.^
Pliny believed that this habit of taking enemas was learned by the
Egyptians from observing the ibis, a bird that counteracts the constipating
* Excavations reveal arrangements for the collection of rain-water and the disposal of
sewage by a system of copper pipes. 18 *
tEven the earliest tombs give evidence of this practice. 18 *
J So old is the modern saw that we live on one-fourth of what we eat, and the doctors
live on the rest.
184 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
character of its food by using its long bill as a rectal syringe." 8 Herodotus
reports that the Egyptians "purge themselves every month, three days
successively, seeking to preserve health by emetics and enemas; for they
suppose that all diseases to which men are subject proceed from the food
they use." And this first historian of civilization ranks the Egyptians as,
"next to the Libyans, the healthiest people in the world. 1 *
9. Art
Architecture Old Kingdom, Middle Kingdom, Empire and Saite
sculpture Bas-relief Painting Minor arts Music The artists
The greatest element in this civilization was its art. Here, almost at
the threshold of history, we find an art powerful and mature, superior to
that of any modern nation, and equaled only by that of Greece. At first
the luxury of isolation and peace, and then, under Thutmose III and
Rameses II, the spoils of oppression and war, gave to Egypt the oppor-
tunity and the means for massive architecture, masculine statuary, and a
hundred minor arts that so early touched perfection. The whole theory of
progress hesitates before Egyptian art.
Architecture* was the noblest of the ancient arts, because it combined in
imposing form mass and duration, beauty and use. It began humbly in
the adornment of tombs and the external decoration of homes. Dwellings
were mostly of mud, with here and there some pretty woodwork (a
Japanese lattice, a well-carved portal), and a roof strengthened with the
tough and pliable trunks of the palm. Around the house, normally, was
a wall enclosing a court; from the court steps led to the roof; from this
the tenants passed down into the rooms. The well-to-do had private
gardens, carefully landscaped; the cities provided public gardens for the
poor, and hardly a home but had its ornament of flowers. Inside the house
the walls were hung with colored mattings, and the floors, if the master
could afford it, were covered with rugs. People sat on these rugs rather
than on chairs; the Egyptians of the Old Kingdom squatted for their
meals at tables six inches high, in the fashion of the Japanese; and ate with
their fingers, like Shakespeare. Under the Empire, when slaves were
cheap, the upper classes sat on high cushioned chairs, and had their servants
hand them course after course. 190
Stone for building was too costly for homes; it was a luxury reserved
for priests and kings. Even the nobles, ambitious though they were, left
* For the architecture of the Old Kingdom cf . sections I, i and 3 of this chapter.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 185
the greatest wealth and the best building materials to the temples; in con-
sequence the palaces that overlooked almost every mile of the river in the
days of Amenhotep III crumbled into oblivion, while the abodes of the
gods and the tombs of the dead remained. By the Twelfth Dynasty the
pyramid had ceased to be the fashionable form of sepulture. Khnumhotep
(ca. 2180 B.C.) chose at Beni-Hasan the quieter form of a colonnade built
into the mountainside; and this theme, once established, played a thou-
sand variations among the hills on the western slope of the Nile. From the
time of the Pyramids to the Temple of Hathor at Denderah i.e., for some
three thousand years there rose out of the sands of Egypt such a suc-
cession of architectural achievements as no civilization has ever surpassed.
At Karnak and Luxor a riot of columns raised by Thutmose I and HI,
Amenhotep III, Seti I, Rameses II and other monarchs from the Twelfth
to the Twenty-second Dynasty; at Medinet-IIabu (ca. 1300 B.C.) a vast
but less distinguished edifice, on whose columns an Arab village rested for
centuries; at Abydos the Temple of Scti I, dark and sombre in its massive
ruins; at Elephantine the little Temple of Khnum (ca. 1400 B.C.), "posi-
tively Greek in its precision and elegance";" 1 at Dcr-el-Bahri the stately
colonnades of Queen Hatshepsut; near it the Ramcsseum, another forest
of colossal columns and statues reared by the architects and slaves of
Rameses II; at Philce the lovely Temple of Isis (ca. 240 B.C.) desolate and
abandoned now that the damming of the Nile at Assuan has submerged
the bases of its perfect columns these are sample fragments of the many
monuments that still adorn the valley of the Nile, and attest even in their
ruins the strength and courage of the race that reared them. Here, perhaps,
is an excess of pillars, a crowding of columns against the tyranny of the
sun, a Far-Eastern aversion to symmetry, a lack of unity, a barbaric-mod-
ern adoration of size. But here, too, are grandeur, sublimity, majesty and
power; here are the arch and the vault, 108 used sparingly because not
needed, but ready to pass on their principles to Greece and Rome and
modern Europe; here are decorative designs never surpassed; 109 here are
papyriform columns, lotiform columns, "proto-Doric" columns, 1 " 4 Caryatid
columns, 186 Hathor capitals, palm capitals, clerestories, and magnificent
architraves full of the strength and stability that are the very soul of archi-
tecture's powerful appeal.* The Egyptians were the greatest builders
in history.
* A clerestory is that portion of a building which, being above the roof of the sur-
rounding parts, admits light to the edifice by a series of openings. An architrave is the
lowest part of an entablaturewhich is a superstructure supported by a colonnade.
l86 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
Some would add that they were also the greatest sculptors. Here at the
outset is the Sphinx, conveying by its symbolism the leonine quality of
some masterful Pharaohperhaps Khafre-Chephren; it has not only size,
as some have thought, but character. The cannon-shot of the Mamelukes
have broken the nose and shorn the beard, but nevertheless those gigantic
features portray with impressive skill the force and dignity, the calm
and sceptical maturity, of a natural king. Across those motionless features
a subtle smile has hovered for five thousand years, as if already the un-
known artist or monarch had understood all that men would ever under-
stand about men. It is a Mona Lisa in stone.
There is nothing finer in the history of sculpture than the diorite statue
of Khafre in the Cairo Museum; as ancient to Praxiteles as Praxiteles to
us, it nevertheless comes down across fifty centuries almost unhurt by
time's rough usages; cut in the most intractable of stones, it passes on to
us completely the strength and authority, the wilfulness and courage, the
sensitivity and intelligence of the (artist or the) King. Near it, and even
older, Pharaoh Zoser sits pouting in limestone; farther on, the guide with
lighted match reveals the transparency of an alabaster Menkaure.
Quite as perfect in artistry as these portraits of royalty are the figures
of the Sheik-cl-Belcd and the Scribe. The Scribe has come down to us
in many forms, all of uncertain antiquity; the most illustrious is the
squatting Scribe of the Louvre.* The Sheik is no sheik but only an over-
seer of labor, armed with the staff of authority, and stepping forward as
if in supervision or command. His name, apparently, was Kaapiru; but
the Arab workmen who rescued him from his tomb at Sakkara were struck
with his resemblance to the Sheik-el-Beled (i.e., Mayor-of-the- Village)
under whom they lived; and this title which their good humor gave him
is now inseparable from his fame. He is carved only in mortal wood,
but time has not seriously reduced his portly figure or his chubby legs;
his waistline has all the amplitude of the comfortable bourgeois in every
civilization; his rotund face beams with the content of a man who knows
his place and glories in it. The bald head and carelessly loosened robe
display the realism of an art already old enough to rebel against idealiza-
tion; but here, too, is a fine simplicity, a complete humanity, expressed
without bitterness, and with the ease and grace of a practised and confident
hand. "If," says Maspero, "some exhibition of the world's masterpieces
* Cf. p. 161 above. Other scribes adorn the Cairo Museum, and the State Museum at
Berlin.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 187
were to be inaugurated, I should choose this work to uphold the honor
of Egyptian art" 1 "" or would that honor rest more securely on the head
of Khafre?
These are the chefs-d'oeuvres of Old Kingdom statuary. But lesser
masterpieces abound: the seated portraits of Rahotep and his wife Nofrit,
the powerful figure of Ranofer the priest, the copper statues of King
Phiops and his son, a falcon-head in gold, the humorous figures of the
Beer-Brewer and the Dwarf Knemhotep all but one in the Cairo Museum,
all without exception instinct with character. It is true that the earlier
pieces are coarse and crude; that by a strange convention, running through-
out Egyptian art, figures are shown with the body and eyes facing for-
ward, but the hands and feet in profile;* that not much attention was given
to the body, which was left in most cases stereotyped and unreal all female
bodies young, all royal bodies strong; and that individualization, though
masterly, was generally reserved for the head. But with all the stiffness
and sameness that priestly conventions and control forced upon statuary,
paintings and reliefs, these works were fully redeemed by the power and
depth of the conception, the vigor and precision of the execution, the
character, line and finish of the product. Never was sculpture more alive:
the Sheik exudes authority, the woman grinding grain gives every sense
and muscle to her work, the Scribe is on the very verge of writing. And
the thousand little puppets placed in the tombs to carry on essential in-
dustries for the dead were moulded with a like vivacity, so that we can
almost believe, with the pious Egyptian, that the deceased could not be
unhappy while these ministrants were there.
Not for many centuries did Egyptian sculpture equal again the achieve-
ments of the early dynasties. Because most of the statuary was made for
the temples or the tombs, the priests determined to a great degree what
forms the artist should follow; and the natural conservatism of religion
crept into art, slowly stifling sculpture into a conventional, stylistic de-
generation. Under the powerful monarchs of the Twelfth Dynasty the
secular spirit reasserted itself, and art recaptured something of its old vigor
and more than its old skill. A head of Amencmhet III in black diorite 1 "
suggests at once the recovery of character and the recovery of art; here
is the quiet hardness of an able king, carved with the competence of a
master. A colossal statue of Senusret III is crowned with a head and face
There are important exceptions to this e.g., the Sheik-el-Beled and the Scribe; obvi-
ously the convention was not due to incapacity or ignorance.
l88 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
equal in conception and execution to any portrait in the history of sculp-
ture; and the ruined torso of Senusret I, in the Cairo Museum, ranks with
the torso of Hercules in the Louvre. Animal figures abound in the Egyptian
sculpture of every age, and are always full of humor and life: here is a
mouse chewing a nut, an ape devotedly strumming a harp, a porcupine
with every spine on the qui vive. Then came the Shepherd Kings, and for
three hundred years Egyptian art almost ceased to be.
In the age of Hatshepsut, the Thutmoses, the Amenhoteps and the
Rameses, art underwent a second resurrection along the Nile. Wealth
poured in from subject Syria, passed into the temples and the courts, and
trickled through them to nourish every art. Colossi of Thutmose III and
Rameses II began to challenge the sky; statuary crowded every corner of
the temples; masterpieces were flung forth with unprecedented abundance
by a race exhilarated with what they thought was world supremacy. The
fine granite bust of the great Queen in the Metropolitan Museum of Art
at New York; the basalt statue of Thutmose III in the Cairo Museum;
the lion sphinx of Amenhotep III in the British Museum; the limestone
seated Ikhnaton in the Louvre; the granite statue of Rameses II in Turin;*
the perfect crouching figure of the same incredible monarch making an
offering to the gods; 100 the meditative cow of Der-cl-Bahri, which Maspero
considered "equal, if not superior, to the best achievements of Greece and
Rome in this genre";* 00 the two lions of Amenhotep III, which Ruskin
ranked as the best animal statuary surviving from antiquity; 201 the colossi
cut into the rocks at Abu Simbel by the sculptors of Rameses II; the amaz-
ing remains found among the ruins of the artist Thutmose's studio at Tell-
el-Amarna a plaster model of Ikhnaton's head, full of the mysticism and
poetry of that tragic king, the lovely limestone bust of Ikhnaton's Queen,
Nofretete, and the even finer sandstone head of the same fair lady:* 2 these
scattered examples may illustrate the sculptural accomplishments of this
abounding Empire age. Amid all these lofty masterpieces humor continues
to find place; Egyptian sculptors frolic with jolly caricatures of men and
animals, and even the kings and queens, in Ikhnaton's iconoclastic age, are
made to smile and play.
After Rameses II this magnificence passed rapidly away. For many
centuries after him art contented itself with repeating traditional works
and forms. Under the Sa'ite kings it sought to rejuvenate itself by return-
* One is reminded here of the remark of an Egyptian statesman, after visiting the
galleries of Europe: "Que vous avez vott mon pays! How you have raped my country! ""
CHAP.VIH) EGYPT 189
ing to the simplicity and sincerity of the Old Kingdom masters. Sculptors
attacked bravely the hardest stones basalt, breccia, serpentine, diorite
and carved them into such realistic portraits as that of Montumihait, 908 and
the green basalt head of a bald unknown, now looking out blackly upon
the walls of the State Museum at Berlin. In bronze they cast the lovely
figure of the lady Tekoschet.** Again they delighted in catching the
actual features and movements of men and beasts; they moulded laughable
figures of quaint animals, slaves and gods; and they formed in bronze a
cat and a goat's head which are among the trophies of Berlin. 206 Then the
Persians came down like a wolf on the fold, conquered Egypt, desecrated
its temples, broke its spirit, and put an end to its art.
These architecture and sculpture* are the major Egyptian arts; but
if abundance counted, bas-relief would have to be added to them. No
other people so tirelessly carved its history or legends upon its walls. At
first we are shocked by the dull similarity of these glyptic narratives, the
crowded confusion, the absence of proportion and perspective or the
ungainly attempt to achieve this by representing the far above the near;
we are surprised to see how tall the Pharaoh is, and how small are his
enemies; and, as in the sculpture, we find it hard to adjust our pictorial
habits to eyes and breasts that face us boldly, while noses, chins and feet
turn coldly away. But then we find ourselves caught by the perfect line
and grace of the falcon and serpent carved on King Wencphcs' tomb,""*
by the limestone reliefs of King Zoser on the Step-Pyramid at Sakkara,
by the wood 7 relief of Prince Hesire from his grave in the same locality, 807
and by the wounded Libyan on a Fifth Dynasty tomb at Abusir 208 a patient
study of muscles taut in pain. At last we bear with equanimity the long
reliefs that tell how Thutmose III and Rameses II carried all before them;
we recognize the perfection of flowing line in the reliefs carved for Seti
I at Abydos and Karnak; and we follow with interest the picturesque en-
gravings wherein the sculptors of Hatshepsut tell on the walls of Der-el-
Bahri the story of the expedition sent by her to the mysterious land of
Punt (Somaliland?). We see the long ships with full-spread sail and serried
oars heading south amid waters alive with octopi, Crustacea and other
toilers of the sea; we watch the fleet arriving on the shores of Punt, wel-
comed by a startled but fascinated people and king; we see the sailors
* Though the word sculpture includes all carved forms, we shall use it as
especially sculpture in the round; and shall segregate under the term bas-relie
carving of forms upon a background. jv
THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
carrying on board a thousand loads of native delicacies; we read the jest
of the Punt workman "Be careful of your feet, you over there; look
out!" Then we accompany the heavy-laden vessels as they return north-
ward filled (the inscription tells us) "with the marvels of the land of Punt,
all the odoriferous trees of the lands of the gods, incense, ebony, ivory,
gold, woods of divers kinds, cosmetics for the eyes, monkeys, dogs, panther
skins, . . . never have like things been brought back for any king from
the beginning of the world." The ships come through the great canal
between the Red Sea and the Nile; we see the expedition landing at the
docks of Thebes, depositing its varied cargo at the very feet of the Queen.
And lastly we are shown, as if after the lapse of time, all these imported
goods beautifying Egypt: on every side ornaments of gold and ebony,
boxes of perfumes and unguents, elephants' tusks and animals' hides; while
the trees brought back from Punt are flourishing so well on the soil of
Thebes that under their branches oxen enjoy the shade. It is one of the
supreme reliefs in the history of art.*"*
Bas-relief is a liaison between sculpture and painting. In Egypt, except
during the reign of the Ptolemies and under the influence of Greece, paint-
ing never rose to the status of an independent art; it remained an accessory
to architecture, sculpture and relief the painter filled in the outlines carved
by the cutting tool. But though subordinate, it was ubiquitous; most statues
were painted, all surfaces were colored. It is an an perilously subject to
time, and lacking the persistence of statuary and building. Very little re-
mains to us of Old Kingdom painting beyond a remarkable picture of six
geese from a tomb at Medum; 910 but from this alone we are justified in be-
lieving that already in the early dynasties this art, too, had come near to
perfection. In the Middle Kingdom we find distemper paintingt of a
delightful decorative effect in the tombs of Ameni and Khnumhotep at
Beni-Hasan, and such excellent examples of the art as the "Gazelles and
the Peasants," 311 and the "Cat Watching the Prey";* 3 here again the artist
has caught the main point that his creations must move and live. Under
the Empire the tombs became a riot of painting. The Egyptian artist had
now developed every color in the rainbow, and was anxious to display his
skill. On the walls and ceilings of homes, temples, palaces and graves he
* A cast of this relief may be seen in the Twelfth Egyptian Room of the Metropoli-
tan Museum of Art at New York.
t Painting in which the pigments are mixed or tempered with egg-yolk, size (diluted
glue), or egg-white.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 191
tried to portray refreshingly the life of the sunny fields birds in flight
through the air, fishes swimming in the sea, beasts of the jungle in their
native haunts. Floors were painted to look like transparent pools, and ceil-
ings sought to rival the jewelry of the sky. Around these pictures were
borders of geometric or floral design, ranging from a quiet simplicity to
the most fascinating complexity. 813 The "Dancing Girl," 214 so full of orig
inality and esprit, the "Bird Hunt in a Boat," 215 the slim, naked beauty in
ochre, mingling with other musicians in the Tomb of Nakht at Thebes 21 "
these are stray samples of the painted population of the graves. Here, as
in the bas-reliefs, the line is good and the composition poor; the participants
in an action, whom we should portray as intermingled, are represented
separately in succession; 217 superposition is again preferred to perspective;
the stiff formalism and conventions of Egyptian sculpture are the order
of the day, and do not reveal that enlivening humor and realism which
distinguish the later statuary. But through these pictures runs a freshness
of conception, a flow of line and execution, a fidelity to the life and move-
ment of natural things, and a joyous exuberance of color and ornament,
which make them a delight to the eye and the spirit. With all its short-
comings Egyptian painting would never be surpassed by any Oriental
civilization until the middle dynasties of China.
The minor arts were the major art of Egypt. The same skill and energy
that had built Karnak and the Pyramids, and had crowded the temples
with a populace of stone, devoted itself also to the internal beautification
of the home, the adornment of the body, and the development of all the
graces of life. Weavers made rugs, tapestries and cushions rich in color
and incredibly fine in texture; the designs which they created passed down
into Syria, and are used there to this day. 21 * The relics of Tutenkhamon's
tomb have revealed the astonishing luxury of Egyptian furniture, the ex-
quisite finish of every piece and part, chairs covered gaudily with silver
and gold, beds of sumptuous workmanship and design, jewel-boxes and
perfume-baskets of minute artistry, and vases that only China would excel.
Tables bore costly vessels of silver, gold and bronze, crystal goblets, and
sparkling bowls of diorite so finely ground that the light shone through
their stone walls. The alabaster vessels of Tutenkhamon, and the perfect
lotus cups and drinking bowls unearthed amid the ruins of Amenhotep
Ill's villa at Thebes, indicate to what a high level the ceramic art was
raised. Finally the jewelers of the Middle Kingdom and the Empire brought
forth a profusion of precious ornaments seldom surpassed in design and
19* THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
workmanship. Necklaces, crowns, rings, bracelets, mirrors, pectorals,
chains, medallions; gold and silver, carnelian and felspar, lapis lazuli and
amethyst everything is here. The rich Egyptians took the same pleasure
as the Japanese in the beauty of the little things that surrounded them;
every square of ivory on their jewel-boxes had to be carved in relief and
refined in precise detail. They dressed simply, but they lived completely.
And when their day's work was done they refreshed themselves with
music softly played on lutes, harps, sistrums, flutes and lyres.* Temples
and palaces had orchestras and choirs, and on the Pharaoh's staff was a
"superintendent of singing" who organized players and musicians for the
entertainment of the king. There is no trace of a musical notation in
Egypt, but this may be merely a lacuna in the remains. Snefrunofr and
Re'mery-Ptah were the Carusos and De Reszkes of their day, and across
the centuries we hear their boast that they "fulfil every wish of the king
by their beautiful singing." 219
It is exceptional that their names survive, for in most cases the artists
whose labors preserved the features or memory of princes, priests and
kings had no means of transmitting their own names to posterity. We hear
of Imhotep, the almost mythical architect of Zoser's reign; of Ineni, who
designed great buildings like Der-el-Bahri for Thutmose I; of Puymre
and Hapuseneb and Senmut, who carried on the architectural enterprises
of Queen Hatshepsut,t of the artist Thutmose, in whose studio so many
masterpieces have been found; and of Bek, the proud sculptor who tells
us, in Gautier's strain, that he has saved Ikhnaton from oblivion.* 81 Amen-
hotep III had as his chief architect another Amenhotep, son of Hapu; the
Pharaoh placed almost limitless wealth at the disposal of his talents, and
this favored artist became so famous that later Egypt worshiped him as
a god. For the most part, however, the artist worked in obscurity and
poverty, and was ranked no higher than other artisans or handicraftsmen
by the priests and potentates who engaged him.
Egyptian religion cooperated with Egyptian wealth to inspire and foster
art, and cooperated with Egypt's loss of empire and affluence to ruin it.
Religion offered motives, ideas and the inspiration; but it imposed con-
* The lute was made by stretching a few strings along a narrow sounding-board; the
sistrum was a group of small discs shaken on wires.
t Senmut was so honored by his sovereigns that he said of himself: "I was the greatest
of the great in the whole land." 830 This is an opinion very commonly held, but not tl-
ways so clearly expressed.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 193
ventions and restraints which bound art so completely to the church that
when sincere religion died among the artists, the arts that had lived on it
died too. This is the tragedy of almost every civilization that its soul is in
its faith, and seldom survives philosophy.
10. Philosophy
The "Instructions of Ptah-hotep"-The "Admonitions of Ipuiver"
The "Dialogue of a Misanthrope" -The Egyptian Ecclesiastes
Historians of philosophy have been wont to begin their story with the
Greeks. The Hindus, who believe that they invented philosophy, and the
Chinese, who believe that they perfected it, smile at our provincialism.
It may be that we are all mistaken; for among the most ancient fragments
left to us by the Egyptians are writings that belong, however loosely and
untechnically, under the rubric of moral philosophy. The wisdom of the
Egyptians was a proverb with the Greeks, who felt themselves children
beside this ancient race.*"
The oldest work of philosophy known to us is the "Instructions of Ptah-
hotep," which apparently goes back to 2880 B.C. 2300 years before Con-
fucius, Socrates and Buddha.** Ptah-hotep was Governor of Memphis, and
Prime Minister to the King, under the Fifth Dynasty. Retiring from office,
he decided to leave to his son a manual of everlasting wisdom. It was
transcribed as an antique classic by some scholars prior to the Eighteenth
Dynasty. The Vizier begins:
O Prince my Lord, the end of life is at hand; old age descendeth
upon me; feebleness cometh and childishness is renewed; he that is
old lieth down in misery every day. The eyes are small, the ears are
deaf. Energy is diminished, the heart hath no rest. . . . Command thy
servant, therefore, to make over my princely authority to my son.
Let me speak unto him the words of them that hearken to the coun-
sel of the men of old time, those that once heard the gods. I pray
thee, let this thing be done.
His Gracious Majesty grants the permission, advising him, however, to
"discourse without causing weariness" advice not yet superfluous for
philosophers. Whereupon Ptah-hotep instructs his son:
Be not proud because thou art learned; but discourse with the ig-
" norant man as with the sage. For no limit can be set to skill, neither
194 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
is there any craftsman that possessed! full advantages. Fair speech is
more rare than the emerald that is found by slave-maidens among the
pebbles. . . . Live, therefore, in the house of kindliness, and men shall
come and give gifts of themselves. . . . Beware of making enmity by
thy words. . . . Overstep not the truth, neither repeat that which
any man, be he prince or peasant, saith in opening the heart; it is
abhorrent to the soul. . . .
If thou wouldst be a wise man, beget a son for the pleasing of the
god. If he make straight his course after thine example, if he ar-
range thine affairs in due order, do all unto him that is good.
... If he be heedless and trespass thy rules of conduct, and is vio-
lent; if every speech that cometh from his mouth is a vile word;
then beat thou him, that his talk may be fitting. . . . Precious to a
man is the virtue of his son, and good character is a thing remem-
bered. . . .
Wheresover thou goest, beware of consorting with women. . . .
If thou wouldst be wise, provide for thine house, and love thy wife
that is in thine arms. . . . Silence is more profitable to thee than
abundance of speech. Consider how thou mayest be opposed by an
expert that speaketh in council. It is a foolish thing to speak on
every kind of work. . . .
If thou be powerful make thyself to be honored for knowledge
and for gentleness. . . . Beware of interruption, and of answering
words with heat; put it from thee; control thyself.
And Ptah-hotep concludes with Horatian pride:
Nor shall any word that hath here been set down cease out of this
land forever, but shall be made a pattern whereby princes shall speak
well. My words shall instruct a man how he shall speak; . . . yea, he
shall become as one skilful in obeying, excellent in speaking. Good
fortune shall befall him; ... he shall be gracious until the end of his
life; he shall be contented always."*
This note of good cheer does not persist in Egyptian thought; age comes
upon it quickly, and sours it. Another sage, Ipuwer, bemoans the disorder,
violence, famine and decay that attended the passing of the Old Kingdom;
he tells of sceptics who "would make offerings if" they "knew where the
god is"; he comments upon increasing suicide, and adds, like another
Schopenhauer: "Would that there might be an end of men, that there
CHAP. VIH) EGYPT 195
might be no conception, no birth. If the land would but cease from noise,
and strife be no more" it is clear that Ipuwer was tired and old. In the
end he dreams of a philosopher-king who will redeem men from chaos
and injustice:
He brings cooling to the flame (of the social conflagration?). It is
said he is the shepherd of all men. There is no evil in his heart.
When his herds are few he passes the day to gather them together,
their hearts being fevered. Would that he had discerned their char-
acter in the first generation. Then would he have smitten evil. He
would have stretched forth his arm against it. He would have
smitten the seed thereof and their inheritance. . . . Where is he to-
day? Doth he sleep perchance? Behold, his might is not seen. 1 *
This already is the voice of the prophets; the lines are cast into strophic
form, like the prophetic writings of the Jews; and Breasted properly
acclaims these "Admonitions" as "the earliest emergence of a social idealism
which among the Hebrews we call 'Messianism.' """ Another scroll from
the Middle Kingdom denounces the corruption of the age in words that
almost every generation hears:
To whom do I speak today?
Brothers are evil,
Friends of today are not of love.
To whom do I speak today?
Hearts are thievish,
Every man seizes his neighbor's goods.
To whom do I speak today?
The gentle man perishes,
The bold-faced goes everywhere. . . .
To whom do I speak today?
When a man should arouse wrath by his evil conduct
He stirs all men to mirth, although his iniquity is wicked. . . .
And then this Egyptian Swinburne pours out a lovely eulogy of death:
Death is before me today
Like the recovery of a sick man,
Like going forth into a garden after sickness.
Death is before me today
Like the odor of myrrh,
Like sitting under die sail on a windy day.
196 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
Death is before me today
Like the odor of lotus-flowers,
Like sitting on the shore of drunkenness.
Death is before me today
Like the course of a freshet,
Like the return of a man from the war-galley to his house. . . .
Death is before me today
As a man longs to see his home
When he had spent years of captivity.** 1
Saddest of all is a poem engraved upon a slab now in the Leyden
Museum, and dating back to 2200 B.C. Carpe diem, it sings snatch the day!
I have heard the words of Imhotep and Hardedef,
Words greatly celebrated as their utterances.
Behold the places thereof!
Their walls are dismantled,
Their places are no more,
As if they had never been.
None cometh from thence
That he may tell us how they fare; . . .
That he may content our hearts
Until we too depart
To the place whither they have gone.
Encourage thy heart to forget it,
Making it pleasant for thee to follow thy desire
While thou livest.
Put myrrh upon thy head,
And garments upon thee of fine linen,
Imbued with marvelous luxuries,
The genuine things of the gods.
Increase yet more thy delights,
And let not thy heart languish.
Follow thy desire and thy good,
Fashion thy affairs on earth
After the mandates of thine own heart,
Till that day of lamentation come to thee
When the silent-hearted (dead) hears not their lamentation,
Nor he that is in the tomb attends the mourning.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 197
Celebrate the glad day;
Be not weary therein.
Lo, no man taketh his goods with him;
Yea, none returneth again that is gone thither.""
This pessimism and scepticism were the result, it may be, of the broken
spirit of a nation humiliated and subjected by the Hyksos invaders; they
bear the same relation to Egypt that Stoicism and Epicureanism bear to
a defeated and enslaved Greece.* In part such literature represents one
of those interludes, like our own moral interregnum, in which thought
has for a time overcome belief, and men no longer know how or why they
should live. Such periods do not endure; hope soon wins the victory over
thought; the intellect is put down to its customary menial place, and
religion is born again, giving to men the imaginative stimulus apparently
indispensable to life and work. We need not suppose that such poems
expressed the views of any large number of Egyptians; behind and around
the small but vital minority that pondered the problems of life and death
in secular and naturalistic terms were millions of simple men and women
who remained faithful to the gods, and never doubted that right would
triumph, that every earthly pain and grief would be atoned for bountifully
in a haven of happiness and peace.
11. Religion
Sky gods The sun god Plant gods Animal gods Sex gods-
Human gods Osiris Isis and Horus Minor deities The
priests-Immortality The "Book of the Dead"-The
"Negative Confession" Magic Corruption
For beneath and above everything in Egypt was religion. We find it
there in every stage and form from totemism to theology; we see its in-
fluence in literature, in government, in art, in everything except morality.
And it is not only varied, it is tropically abundant; only in Rome and
India shall we find so plentiful a pantheon. We cannot understand the
Egyptian or man until we study his gods.
In the beginning, said the Egyptian, was the sky; and to the end this and
the Nile remained his chief divinities. All these marvelous heavenly bodies
were not mere bodies, they were the external forms of mighty spirits,
* "Civil war," says Ipuwer, "pays no revenues." 1 "
198 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
gods whose willsnot always concordant ordained their complex and
varied movements.** The sky itself was a vault, across whose vastness a
great cow stood, who was the goddess Hathor; the earth lay beneath her
feet, and her belly was clad in the beauty of ten thousand stars. Or (for
the gods and myths differed from nome to nome) the sky was the god
Sibu, lying tenderly upon the earth, which was the goddess Nuit; from
their gigantic copulation all things had been born." Constellations and
stars might be gods: for example, Sahu and Sopdit (Orion and Sirius) were
tremendous deities; Sahu ate gods three times a day regularly. Occasionally
some such monster ate the moon, but only for a moment; soon the prayers
of men and the anger of the other gods forced the greedy sow to vomit
it up again.* 1 In this manner the Egyptian populace explained an eclipse
of the moon.
The moon was a god, perhaps the oldest of all that were worshiped
in Egypt; but in the official theology the greatest of the gods was the sun.
Sometimes it was worshiped as the supreme deity Ra or Re, the bright
father who fertilized Mother Earth with rays of penetrating heat and
light; sometimes it was a divine calf, born anew at every dawn, sailing the
sky slowly in a celestial boat, and descending into the west, at evening,
like an old man tottering to his grave. Or the sun was the god Horus,
taking the graceful form of a falcon, flying majestically across the heavens
day after day as if in supervision of his realm, and becoming one of the
recurrent symbols of Egyptian religion and royalty. Always Ra, or the
sun, was the Creator: at his first rising, seeing the earth desert and bare,
he had flooded it with his energizing rays, and all living things vegetable,
animal and human had sprung pell-mell from his eyes, and been scattered
over the world. The earliest men and women, being direct children of Ra,
had been perfect and happy; by degrees their descendants had taken to
evil ways, and had forfeited this perfection and happiness; whereupon
Ra, dissatisfied with his creatures, had destroyed a large part of the human
race. Learned Egyptians questioned this popular belief, and asserted on
the contrary (like certain Sumerian scholars), that the first men had been
like brutes, without articulate speech or any of the arts of life.* 8 All in
all it was an intelligent mythology, expressing piously man's gratitude to
earth and sun.
So exuberant was this piety that the Egyptians worshiped not merely
the source, but almost every form, of life. Many plants were sacred to
them: the palm-tree that shaded them amid the desert, the spring that
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 1 99
gave them drink in the oasis, the grove where they could meet and rest,
the sycamore flourishing miraculously in the sand; these were, with ex-
cellent reason, holy things, and to the end of his civilization the simple
Egyptian brought them offerings of cucumbers, grapes and figs.** Even
the lowly vegetable found its devotees; and Taine amused himself by
showing how the onion that so displeased Bossuet had been a divinity on
the banks of the Nile. 884
More popular were the animal gods; they were so numerous that they
filled the Egyptian pantheon like a chattering menagerie. In one nome or
another, in one period or another, Egyptians worshiped the bull, the croco-
dile, the hawk, the cow, the goose, the goat, the ram, the cat, the dog,
the chicken, the swallow, the jackal, the serpent, and allowed some of
these creatures to roam in the temples with the same freedom that is
accorded to the sacred cow in India today.* 5 When the gods became
human they still retained animal doubles and symbols: Amon was repre-
sented as a goose or a ram, Ra as a grasshopper or a bull, Osiris as a bull
or a ram, Sebek as a crocodile, Horus as a hawk or falcon, Hathor as a
cow, and Thoth, the god of wisdom, as a baboon. 888 Sometimes women
were offered to certain of these animals as sexual mates; the bull in par-
ticular, as the incarnation of Osiris, received this honor; and at Mendes,
says Plutarch, the most beautiful women were offered in coitus to the
divine goat. 837 From beginning to end this totemism remained as an essential
and native element in Egyptian religion; human gods came to Egypt
much later, and probably as gifts from western Asia. 888
The goat and the bull were especially sacred to the Egyptians as repre-
senting sexual creative power; they were not merely symbols of Osiris,
but incarnations of him. 889 Often Osiris was depicted with large and prom-
inent organs, as a mark of his supreme power; and models of him in this
form, or with a triple phallus, were borne in religious processions by the
Egyptians; on certain occasions the women carried such phallic images,
and operated them mechanically with strings. 840 * Signs of sex worship
appear not only in the many cases in which figures are depicted, on temple
reliefs, with erect organs, but in the frequent appearance, in Egyptian
symbolism, of the crux ansataz cross with a handle, as a sign of sexual
union and vigorous life. 841
At last the gods became human or rather, men became gods. Like the
*The curious reader will find again a similar custom in India; cf. Dubois, Hindu
Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, Oxford, 1928, p. 595.
200 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
deities of Greece, the personal gods of Egypt were merely superior men
and women, made in heroic mould, but composed of bone and muscle,
flesh and blood; they hungered and ate, thirsted and drank, loved and
mated, hated and killed, grew old and died.*' There was Osiris, for ex-
ample, god of the beneficent Nile, whose death and resurrection were
celebrated yearly as symbolizing the fall and rise of the river, and perhaps
the decay and growth of the soil. Every Egyptian of the later dynasties
could tell the story of how Set (or Sit), the wicked god of desiccation,
who shriveled up harvests with his burning breath, was angered at Osiris
(the Nile) for extending (with his overflow) the fertility of the earth,
slew him, and reigned in dry majesty over Osiris' kingdom (i.e., the river
once failed to rise), until Horus, brave son of Isis, overcame Set and
banished him; whereafter Osiris, brought back to life by the warmth
of Isis' love, ruled benevolently over Egypt, suppressed cannibalism, estab-
lished civilization, and then ascended to heaven to reign there endlessly
as a god."" It was a profound myth; for history, like Oriental religion, is
dualistic a record of the conflict between creation and destruction, fer-
tility and desiccation, rejuvenation and exhaustion, good and evil, life and
death.
Profound, too, was the myth of Isis, the Great Mother. She was not
only the loyal sister and wife of Osiris; in a sense she was greater than he,
for like woman in general she had conquered death through love. Nor
was she merely the black soil of the Delta, fertilized by the touch of
Osiris-Nile, and making all Egypt rich with her fecundity. She was, above
all, the symbol of that mysterious creative power which had produced the
earth and every living thing, and of that maternal tenderness whereby, at
whatever cost to the mother, the young new life is nurtured to maturity.
She represented in Egyptas Kali, Ishtar and Cybele represented in
Asia, Demeter in Greece, and Ceres in Rome the original priority and
independence of the female principle in creation and in inheritance, and
the originative leadership of woman in tilling the earth; for it was Isis
(said the myth) who had discovered wheat and barley growing wild in
Egypt, and had revealed them to Osiris (man). 844 The Egyptians wor-
shiped her with especial fondness and piety, and raised up jeweled images
to her as the Mother of God; her tonsured priests praised her in sonorous
matins and vespers; and in midwinter of each year, coincident with the
annual rebirth of the sun towards the end of our December, the temples
CHAP. VIII ) EGYPT 2OI
of her divine child, Horus (god of the sun), showed her, in holy effigy,
nursing in a stable the babe that she had miraculously conceived. These
poetic-philosophic legends and symbols profoundly affected Christian
ritual and theology. Early Christians sometimes worshiped before the
statues of Isis suckling the infant Horus, seeing in them another form of
the ancient and noble myth by which woman (i.e., the female principle),
creating all things, becomes at last the Mother of God. 14 "
These Ra (or, as he was called in the South, Amon), Osiris, Isis and
Horus were the greater gods of Egypt. In later days Ra, Amon and
another god, Ptah, were combined as three embodiments or aspects of one
supreme and triune deity , Mfl There were countless lesser divinities: Anubis
the jackal, Shu, Tefnut, Ncphthys, Ket, Nut; . . . but we must not make
these pages a museum of dead gods. Even Pharaoh was a god, always the
son of Amon-Ra, ruling not merely by divine right but by divine birth,
as a deity transiently tolerating the earth as his home. On his head was
the falcon, symbol of Horus and totem of the tribe; from his forehead rose
the ur^eus or serpent, symbol of wisdom and life, and communicating magic
virtues to the crown. 2 " 7 The king was chief -priest of the faith, and led the
great processions and ceremonies that celebrated the festivals of the gods.
It was through this assumption of divine lineage and powers that he was
able to rule so long with so little force.
Hence the priests of Egypt were the necessary props of the throne,
and the secret police of the social order. Given a faith of such complexity,
a class had to arise adept in magic and ritual, whose skill would make it
indispensable in approaching the gods. In effect, though not in law, the
office of priest passed down from father to son, and a class grew up
which, through the piety of the people and the politic generosity of the
kings, became in time richer and stronger than the feudal aristocracy or
the royal family itself. The sacrifices offered to the gods supplied the
priests with food and drink; the temple buildings gave them spacious
homes; the revenues of temple lands and services furnished them with
ample incomes; and their exemption from forced labor, military service,
and ordinary taxation, left them in an enviable position of prestige and
power. They deserved not a little of this power, for they accumulated
and preserved the learning of Egypt, educated the youth, and disciplined
themselves with rigor and zeal. Herodotus describes them almost with
awe:
202 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
They are of all men the most excessively attentive to the worship
of the gods, and observe the following ceremonies. . . . They wear
linen garments, constantly fresh-washed. . . . They are circumcised
for the sake of cleanliness, thinking it better to be clean than hand-
some. They shave their whole body every third day, that neither
lice nor any other impurity may be found upon them. . . . They
wash themselves in cold water twice every day and twice every
night. 148
What distinguished this religion above everything else was its emphasis
on immortality. If Osiris, the Nile, and all vegetation, might rise again,
so might man. The amazing preservation of the dead body in the dry soil
of Egypt lent some encouragement to this belief, which was to dominate
Egyptian faith for thousands of years, and to pass from it, by its own
resurrection, into Christianity ."" The body, Egypt believed, was inhabited
by a small replica of itself called the ka, and also by a soul that dwelr in
the body like a bird flitting among trees. All of these-body, ka and soul-
survived the appearance of death; they could escape mortality for a time
in proportion as the flesh was preserved from decay; but if they came to
Osiris clean of all sin they would be permitted to live forever in the
"Happy Field of Food" those heavenly gardens where there would
always be abundance and security: judge the harassed penury that spoke
in this consoling dream. These Elysian Fields, however, could be reached
only through the services of a ferryman, an Egyptian prototype of Charon;
and this old gentleman would receive into his boat only such men and
women as had done no evil in their lives. Or Osiris would question the
dead, weighing each candidate's heart in the scale against a feather to test
his truthfulness. Those who failed in this final examination would be
condemned to lie forever in their tombs, hungering and thirsting, fed upon
by hideous crocodiles, and never coming forth to see the sun.
According to the priests there were clever ways of passing these tests;
and they offered to reveal these ways for a consideration. One was to fit
up the tomb with food, drink and servants to nourish and help the dead.
Another was to fill the tomb with talismans pleasing to the gods: fish,
vultures, snakes, above all, the scarab-a beetle which, because it repro-
duced itself apparently with fertilization, typified the resurrected soul;
if these were properly blessed by a priest they would frighten away every
assailant, and annihilate every evil. A still better way was to buy the
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 203
Book of the Dead* scrolls for which the priests had written prayers, for-
mulas and charms calculated to appease, even to deceive, Osiris. When,
after a hundred vicissitudes and perils, the dead soul at last reached Osiris,
it was to address the great Judge in some such manner as this:
O Thou who speedest Time's advancing wing,
Thou dweller in all mysteries of life,
Thou guardian of every word I speak
Behold, Thou art ashamed of me, thy son;
Thy heart is full of sorrow and of shame,
For that my sins were grievous in the world,
And proud my wickedness and my transgression.
Oh, be at peace with me, oh, be at peace,
And break the barriers that loom between us!
Let all my sins be washed away and fall
Forgotten to the right and left of thee!
Yea, do away with all my wickedness,
And put away the shame that fills thy heart,
That Thou and I henceforth may be at peace." 1
Or the soul was to declare its innocence of all major sins, in a "Negative
Confession" that represents for us one of the earliest and noblest expressions
of the moral sense in man:
Hail to Thee, Great God, Lord of Truth and Justice! I have
come before Thee, my Master; I have been brought to see thy
beauties. ... I bring unto you Truth. ... I have not committed in-
iquity against men. I have not oppressed the poor. ... I have not
laid labor upon any free man beyond that which he wrought for
himself. ... I have not defaulted, I have not committed that which
is an abomination to the gods. I have not caused the slave to be ill-
treated of his master. I have not starved any man, I have not made
any to weep, I have not assassinated any man, ... I have not com-
mitted treason against any. I have not in aught diminished the sup-
* A modern title given by Lcpsius to some two thousand papyrus rolls found in vari-
ous tombs, and distinguished by containing formulas to guide the dead. The Egyptian
title is Coming Forth (from death) by Day. They date from the Pyramids, but some
are even older. The Egyptians believed that these texts had been composed by the god
of wisdom, Thoth; chapter Ixiv announced that the book had been found at Heliopolis,
and was "in the very handwriting of the god." 880 Josiah made a similar discovery among
the Jews; cf. Chap, xii, v below.
204 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
plies of the temple; I have not spoiled the show-bread of the gods.
... I have done no carnal act within the sacred enclosure of the
temple. I have not blasphemed. ... I have not falsified the balance.
I have not taken away milk from the mouths of sucklings. I have . . .
not taken with nets the birds of the gods ... I am pure. I am pure.
I am pure.*" 1
For the most part, however, Egyptian religion had little to say about
morality; the priests were busier selling charms, mumbling incantations,
and performing magic rites than inculcating ethical precepts. Even the
Book of the Dead teaches the faithful that charms blessed by the clergy
will overcome all the obstacles that the deceased soul may encounter on
its way to salvation; and the emphasis is rather on reciting the prayers
than on living the good life. Says one roll: "If this can be known by
the deceased he shall come forth by day" i.e., rise to eternal life. Amulets
and incantations were designed and sold to cover a multitude of sins and
secure the entrance of the Devil himself into Paradise. At every step the
pious Egyptian had to mutter strange formulas to avert evil and attract
the good. Hear, for example, an anxious mother trying to drive out
"demons" from her child:
Run out, thou who comest in darkness, who enterest in stealth.
. . . Comest thou to kiss this child? I will not let thce kiss him.
. . . Comest thou to take him away? 1 will not let thee take him
away from me. 1 have made his protection against thee out of
Efet-hcrb, which makes pain; out of onions, which harm thee; out
of honey, which is sweet to the living and bitter to the dead; out
of the evil parts of the Ebdu fish; out of the backbone of the
perch.* 8
The gods themselves used magic and charms against one another. The
literature of Egypt is full of magicians of wizards who dry up lakes with
a word, or cause severed limbs to jump back into place, or raise the dead. 354
The king had magicians to help or guide him; and he himself was believed
to have a magical power to make the rain fall, or the river rise." 56 Life was
full of talismans, spells, divinations; every door had to have a god to
frighten away evil spirits or fortuitous strokes of bad luck. Children born
on the twenty-third of the month of Thoth would surely die soon; those
born on the twentieth of Choiakh would go blind. 300 "Each day and
CHAP. VIII) EGYPT 205
month," says Herodotus, "is assigned to some particular god; and accord-
ing to the day on which each person is born, they determine what will
befall him, how he will die, and what kind of person he will be." 807 In
the end the connection between morality and religion tended to be for-
gotten; the road to eternal bliss led not through a good life, but through
magic, ritual, and generosity to the priests. Let a great Egyptologist ex-
press the matter:
The dangers of the hereafter were now greatly multiplied, and
for every critical situation the priest was able to furnish the dead
with an effective charm which would infallibly cure him. Besides
many charms which enabled the dead to reach the world of the
hereafter, there were those which prevented him from losing his
mouth, his head, his heart; others which enabled him to remember
his name, to breathe, eat, drink, avoid eating his own foulness, to
prevent his drinking-water from turning into flame, to turn dark-
ness into light, to ward off all serpents and other hostile monsters,
and many others. . . . Thus the earliest moral development which
we can trace in the ancient East was suddenly arrested, or at least
checked, by the detestable devices of a corrupt priesthood eager
for gain. 858
Such was the state of religion in Egypt when Ikhnaton, poet and heretic,
came to the throne, and inaugurated the religious revolution that destroyed
the Empire of Egypt.
IV. THE HERETIC KING
The character of Ikhnaton The new religion A hymn to the
sun Monotheis?n The new dogma The new art Re-
action N of retete Break-up of the Empire Death of
Ikhnaton
In the year 1380 B.C. Amenhotep III, who had succeeded Thutmose
III, died after a life of wordly luxury and display, and was followed by
his son Amenhotep IV, destined to be known as Ikhnaton. A profoundly
revealing portrait-bust of him, discovered at Tell-el-Amarna, shows a
profile of incredible delicacy, a face feminine in softness and poetic in
its sensitivity. Large eyelids like a dreamer's, a long, misshapen skull, a
frame slender and weak: here was a Shelley called to be a king.
2O6 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
He had hardly come to power when he began to revolt against the
religion of Amon, and the practices of Amon's priests. In the great temple
at Karnak there was now a large harem, supposedly the concubines of
Amon, but in reality serving to amuse the clergy.* 811 The young emperor,
whose private life was a model of fidelity, did not approve of this sacred
harlotry; the blood of the ram slaughtered in sacrifice to Amon stank
in his nostrils; and the traffic of the priests in magic and charms, and their
use of the oracle of Amon to support religious obscurantism and political
corruption** disgusted him to the point of violent protest. "More evil are
the words of the priests," he said, "than those which I heard until the year
IV" (of his reign) ; "more evil are they than those which King Amenhotep
III heard." 980 His youthful spirit rebelled against the sordidness into which
the religion of his people had fallen; he abominated the indecent wealth
and lavish ritual of the temples, and the growing hold of a mercenary
hierarchy on the nation's life. With a poet's audacity he threw compromise
to the winds, and announced bravely that all these gods and ceremonies
were a vulgar idolatry, that there was but one god Aton.
Like Akbar in India thirty centuries later, Ikhnaton saw divinity above
all in the sun, in the source of all earthly life and light. We cannot tell
whether he had adopted his theory from Syria, and whether Aton was
merely a form of Adonis. Of whatever origin, the new god filled the
king's soul with delight; he changed his own name from Amenhotep, which
contained the name of Amon, to Ikhnaton, meaning "Aton is satisfied";
and helping himself with old hymns, and certain monotheistic poems pub-
lished in the preceding reign,* he composed passionate songs to Aton, of
which this, the longest and the best, is the fairest surviving remnant of
Egyptian literature:
Thy dawning is beautiful in the horizon of the sky,
O living Aton, Beginning of life.
When thou risest in the eastern horizon,
Thou fillest every land with thy beauty.
Thou art beautiful, great, glittering, high above every land,
Thy rays, they encompass the land, even all that thou hast made.
* Under Amenhotep III the architects Suti and Hor had inscribed a monotheistic hymn
to the sun upon a stele now in die British Museum.* 01 It had long been the custom in
Egypt to address the sun-god, Amon-Ra, as die greatest god, 8 " but only as the god of
Egypt.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 207
Thou art Re, and thou earnest them all away captive;
Thou bindest them by thy love.
Though thou art far away, thy rays are upon earth;
Though thou art on high, thy footprints are the day.
When thou settest in the western horizon of the sky,
The earth is in darkness like the dead;
They sleep in their chambers,
Their heads are wrapped up,
Their nostrils are stopped,
And none seeth the other,
All their things are stolen
Which are under their heads,
And they know it not.
Every lion cometh forth from his den,
All serpents they sting. . . .
The world is in silence,
He that made them resteth in his horizon.
Bright is the earth when thou risest in the horizon.
When thou shinest as Aton by day
Thou drivest away the darkness.
When thou sendest forth thy rays,
The Two Lands are in daily festivity,
Awake and standing upon their feet
When thou hast raised them up.
Their limbs bathed, they take their clothing,
Their arms uplifted in adoration to thy dawning.
In all the world they do their work.
All cattle rest upon their pasturage,
The trees and the plants flourish,
The birds flutter in their marshes,
Their wings uplifted in adoration to thee.
All the sheep dance upon their feet,
All winged things fly,
They live when thou hast shone upon them.
The barks sail upstream and downstream.
Every highway is open because thou dawnest.
The fish in the river leap up before thee.
Thy rays are in the midst of the great green sea.
208 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
Creator of the germ in woman,
Maker of seed in man,
Giving life to the son in the body of his mother,
Soothing him that he may not weep,
Nurse even in the womb,
Giver of breath to animate every one that he maketh!
When he cometh forth from the body ... on the day of his birth,
Thou openest his mouth in speech,
Thou suppliest his necessities.
When the fledgling in the egg chirps in the egg,
Thou givest him breath therein to preserve him alive.
When thou hast brought him together
To the point of bursting the egg,
He cometh forth from the egg,
To chirp with all his might.
He goeth about upon his two feet
When he hath come forth therefrom.
How manifold are thy works!
They are hidden from before us,
O sole god, whose powers no other possesseth.
Thou didst create the earth according to thy heart
While thou wast alone:
Men, all cattle large and small,
All that are upon the earth,
That go about upon their feet;
All that are on high,
That fly with their wings.
The foreign countries, Syria and Rush,
The land of Egypt;
Thou settest every man into his place,
Thou suppliest their necessities. . . .
Thou makest the Nile in the nether world,
Thou bringest it as thou desirest,
To preserve alive the people. . . .
How excellent are thy designs,
O Lord of eternity!
There is a Nile in the sky for the strangers
And for the cattle of every country that go upon their feet. . .
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 209
Thy rays nourish every garden;
When thou risest they live,
They grow by thee.
Thou makest the seasons
In order to create all thy work:
Winter to bring them coolness,
And heat that they may taste thee.
Thou didst make the distant sky to rise therein,
In order to behold all that thou hast made,
Thou alone, shining in the form as living Aton,
Dawning, glittering, going afar and returning.
Thou makest millions of forms
Through thyself alone;
Cities, towns and tribes,
Highways and rivers.
All eyes see thee before them,
For thou art Aton of the day over the earth. . . .
Thou art in my heart,
There is no other that knoweth thee
Save thy son Ikhnaton.
Thou hast made him wise
In thy designs and in thy might.
The world is in thy hand,
Even as thou hast made them.
When thou hast risen they live,
When thou settest they die;
For thou art length of life of thyself,
Men live through thee,
While their eyes are upon thy beauty
Until thou settest.
All labor is put away
When thou settest in the west. . . .
Thou didst establish the world,
And raised them up for thy son. . . .
Ikhnaton, whose life is long;
And for the chief royal wife, his beloved,
Mistress of the Two Lands,
Nefer-nefru-aton, Nofretete,
Living and flourishing for ever and ever.* 8
210 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
This is not only one of the great poems of history, it is the first out-
standing expression of monotheism seven hundred years before Isaiah.*
Perhaps, as Breasted 985 suggests, this conception of one sole god was a
reflex of the unification of the Mediterranean world under Egypt by
Thutmose III. Ikhnaton conceives his god as belonging to all nations
equally, and even names other countries before his own as in Aton's care;
this was an astounding advance upon the old tribal deities. Note the
vitalistic conception: Aton is to be found not in battles and victories but
in flowers and trees, in all forms of life and growth; Aton is the joy that
causes the young sheep to "dance upon their legs," and the birds to "flutter
in their marshes." Nor is the god a person limited to human form; the
real divinity is the creative and nourishing heat of the sun; the flaming
glory of the rising or setting orb is but an emblem of that ultimate power.
Nevertheless, because of its omnipresent, fertilizing beneficence, the sun
becomes to Ikhnaton also the "Lord of love," the tender nurse that "creates
the man-child in woman," and "fills the Two Lands of Egypt with love."
So at last Aton grows by symbolism into a solicitous father, compassionate
and tender; not, like Yahveh, a Lord of Hosts, but a god of gentleness and
peace." 88
It is one of the tragedies of history that Ikhnaton, having achieved his
elevating vision of universal unity, was not satisfied to let the noble quality
of his new religion slowly win the hearts of men. He was unable to
think of his truth in relative terms; the thought came to him that other
forms of belief and worship were indecent and intolerable. Suddenly he
gave orders that the names of all gods but Aton should be erased and
chiseled from every public inscription in Egypt; he mutilated his father's
name from a hundred monuments to cut from it the word A?non; he
declared all creeds but his own illegal, and commanded that all the old
temples should be closed. He abandoned Thebes as unclean, and built
for himself a beautiful new capital at Akhetaton "City of the Horizon
of Aton."
Rapidly Thebes decayed as the offices and emoluments of government
were taken from it, and Akhetaton became a rich metropolis, busy with
fresh building and a Renaissance of arts liberated from the priestly bondage
of tradition. The joyous spirit expressed in the new religion passed over
into its art. At Tell-el-Amarna, a modern village on the site of Akhetaton,
* The obvious similarity of this hymn to Psalm CIV leaves little doubt of Egyptian in-
fluence upon the Hebrew poet. 884
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 211
Sir William Flinders Petrie unearthed a beautiful pavement, adorned with
birds, fishes and other animals painted with the most delicate grace. 1 "
Ikhnaton forbade the artists to make images of Aton, on the lofty ground
that the true god has no form;** for the rest he left art free, merely asking
his favorite artists, Bek, Auta and Nutmose, to describe things as they saw
them, and to forget the conventions of the priests. They took him at his
word, and represented him as a youth of gentle, almost timid, face, and
strangely dolichocephalic head. Taking their lead from his vitalistic con-
ception of deity, they painted every form of plant and animal life with
loving detail, and with a perfection hardly surpassed in any other place
or time. 280 For a while art, which in every generation knows the pangs of
hunger and obscurity, flourished in abundance and happiness.
Had Ikhnaton been a mature mind he would have realized that the
change which he had proposed from a superstitious polytheism deeply
rooted in the needs and habits of the people to a naturalistic monotheism
that subjected imagination to intelligence, was too profound to be effected
in a little time; he would have made haste slowly, and softened the transi-
tion with intermediate steps. But he was a poet rather than a philosopher;
like Shelley announcing the demise of Yahveh to the bishops of Oxford,
he grasped for the Absolute, and brought the whole structure of Egypt
down upon his head.
At one blow he had dispossessed and alienated a wealthy and powerful
priesthood, and had forbidden the worship of deities made dear by long
tradition and belief. When he had Amon hacked out from his father's
name it seemed to his people a blasphemous impiety; nothing could be
more vital to them than the honoring of the ancestral dead. He had under-
estimated the strength and pertinacity of the priests, and he had exagger-
ated the capacity of the people to understand a natural religion. Behind
the scenes the priests plotted and prepared; and in the seclusion of their
homes the populace continued to worship their ancient and innumerable
gods. A hundred crafts that had depended upon the temples muttered in
secret against the heretic. Even in his palace his ministers and generals
hated him, and prayed for his death, for was he not allowing the Empire
to fall to pieces in his hands?
Meanwhile the young poet lived in simplicity and trust. He had seven
daughters, but no son; and though by law he might have sought an heir
by his secondary wives, he would not, but preferred to remain faithful
to Nofretete. A little ornament has come down to us that shows him
212 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
embracing the Queen; he allowed artists to depict him riding in a chariot
through the streets, engaged in pleasantries with his wife and children;
on ceremonial occasions the Queen sat beside him and held his hand,
while their daughters frolicked at the foot of the throne. He spoke of
his wife as "Mistress of his Happiness, at hearing whose voice the King
rejoices"; and for an oath he used the phrase, "As my heart is happy in
the Queen and her children." 270 It was a tender interlude in Egypt's epic
of power.
Into this simple happiness came alarming messages from Syria.* The
dependencies of Egypt in the Near East were being invaded by Hittites
and other neighboring tribes; the governors appointed by Egypt pleaded
for immediate reinforcements. Ikhnaton hesitated; he was not quite sure
that the right of conquest warranted him in keeping these states in sub-
jection to Egypt; and he was loath to send Egyptians to die on distant
fields for so uncertain a cause. When the dependencies saw that they were
dealing with a saint, they deposed their Egyptian governors, quietly
stopped all payment of tribute, and became to all effects free. Almost in a
moment Egypt ceased to be a vast Empire, and shrank back into a little
state. Soon the Egyptian treasury, which had for a century depended upon
foreign tribute as its mainstay, was empty; domestic taxation had fallen
to a minimum, and the working of the gold mines had stopped. Internal
administration was in chaos. Ikhnaton found himself penniless and friend-
less in a world that had seemed all his own. Every colony was in revolt,
and every power in Egypt was arrayed against him, waiting for his fall.
He was hardly thirty when, in 1362 B.C., he died, broken with the reali-
zation of his failure as a ruler, and the unworthiness of his race.
*In 1893 Sir William Flinders Petrie discovered at Tell-el-Amarna over three hundred
and fifty cuneiform letter-tablets, most of which were appeals for aid addressed to
Ikhnaton by the East.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 213
V. DECLINE AND FALL
Tutenkhamon The labors of Rameses llThe 'wealth of the
clergy The poverty of the people The conquest of
Egypt Summary of Egyptian contributions to civilization
Two years after his death his son-in-law, Tutenkhamon, a favorite of
the priests, ascended the throne. He changed the name Tutenkhaton
which his father-in-law had given him, returned the capital to Thebes,
made his peace with the powers of the Church, and announced to a rejoicing
people the restoration of the ancient gods. The words Aton and Ikhnaton
were effaced from all the monuments, the priests forbade the name of the
heretic king to pass any man's lips, and the people referred to him as "The
Great Criminal." The names that Ikhnaton had removed were recarved
upon the monuments, and the feast-days that he had abolished were
renewed. Everything was as before.
For the rest Tutenkhamon reigned without distinction; the world would
hardly have heard of him had not unprecedented treasures been found
in his grave. After him a doughty general, Harmhab, marched his armies
up and down the coast, restoring Egypt's external power and internal
peace. Seti I wisely reaped the fruits of renewed order and wealth, built
the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak, 272 began to cut a mighty temple into the
cliffs at Abu Simbel, commemorated his grandeur in magnificent reliefs,
and had the pleasure of lying for thousands of years in one of the most
ornate of Egypt's tombs.
At this point the romantic Rameses II, last of the great Pharaohs,
mounted the throne. Seldom has history known so picturesque a monarch.
Handsome and brave, he added to his charms by his boyish consciousness
of them; and his exploits in war, which he never tired of recording, were
equaled only by his achievements in love. After brushing aside a brother
who had inopportune rights to the throne, he sent an expedition to Nubia
to tap the gold mines there and replenish the treasury of Egypt; and with
the resultant funds he undertook the reconquest of the Asiatic provinces,
which had again rebelled. Three years he gave to recovering Palestine;
then he pushed on, met a great army of the Asiatic allies at Kadesh (1288
B.C.), and turned defeat into victory by his courage and leadership. It may
have been as a result of these campaigns that a considerable number of
Jews were brought into Egypt, as slaves or as immigrants; and Rameses II
214 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. VIII
is believed by some to have been the Pharaoh of the Exodus. 87 " He had
his victories commemorated, without undue impartiality, on half a hundred
walls, commissioned a poet to celebrate him in epic verse, and rewarded
himself with several hundred wives. When he died he left one hundred
sons and fifty daughters to testify to his quality by their number and their
proportion. He married several of his daughters, so that they too might
have splendid children. His offspring were so numerous that they con-
stituted for four hundred years a special class in Egypt, from which, for
over a century, her rulers were chosen.
He deserved these consolations, for he seems to have ruled Egypt well.
He built so lavishly that half the surviving edifices of Egypt are ascribed
to his reign. He completed the main hall at Karnak, added to the temple
of Luxor, raised his own vast shrine, the Ramesseum, west of the river,
finished the great mountain-sanctuary at Abu Simbel, and scattered
colossi of himself throughout the land. Commerce flourished under him,
both across the Isthmus of Suez and on the Mediterranean. He built an-
other canal from the Nile to the Red Sea, but the shifting sands filled it up
soon after his death. He yielded up his life in 1225 B.C., aged ninety, after
one of the most remarkable reigns of history.
Only one human power in Egypt had excelled his, and that was the
clergy: here, as everywhere in history, ran the endless struggle between
church and state. Throughout his reign and those of his immediate suc-
cessors, the spoils of every war, and the lion's share of taxes from the
conquered provinces, went to the temples and the priests. These reached
1 the zenith of their wealth under Rameses HI. They possessed at that time
| 107,000 slaves one-thirtieth of the population of Egypt; they held 750,000
acresone-seventh of all the arable land; they owned 500,000 head of
cattle; they received the revenues from 169 towns in Egypt and Syria;
and all this property was exempt from taxation.*" The generous or
timorous Rameses III showered unparalleled gifts upon the priests of
Amon, including 32,000 kilograms of gold and a million kilograms of
silver;* every year he gave them 185,000 sacks of corn. When the time
came to pay the workmen employed by the state he found his treasury
empty.* 71 More and more the people starved in order that the gods might
eat.
Under such a policy it was only a matter of time before the kings
would become the servants of the priests. In the reign of the last Ramessid
king the High Priest of Amon usurped the throne and ruled as openly
CHAP.VIIl) EGYPT 215
supreme; the Empire became a stagnant theocracy in which architecture
and superstition flourished, and every other element in the national life
decayed. Omens were manipulated to give a divine sanction to every
decision of the clergy. The most vital forces of Egypt were sucked dry
by the thirst of the gods at the very time when foreign invaders were
preparing to sweep down upon all this concentrated wealth.
For meanwhile on every frontier trouble brewed. The prosperity of
the country had come in part from its strategic place on the main line of
Mediterranean trade; its metals and wealth had given it mastery over
Libya on the west, and over Phoenicia, Syria and Palestine on the north
and east. But now at the other end of this trade route in Assyria, Babylon
and Persianew nations were growing to maturity and power, were
strengthening themselves with invention and enterprise, and were daring
to compete in commerce and industry with the self-satisfied and pious
Egyptians. The Phoenicians were perfecting the trireme galley, and with
it were gradually wresting from Egypt the control of the sea. The Dorians
and Achaeans had conquered Crete and the jEgean (ca. 1400 B.C.), and
were establishing a commercial empire of their own; trade moved less and
less in slow caravans over the difficult and robber-infested mountains and
deserts of the Near East; it moved more and more, at less expense and with
less loss, in ships that passed through the Black Sea and the jfcgean to
Troy, Crete and Greece, at last to Carthage, Italy and Spain. The nations
along the northern shores of the Mediterranean ripened and blossomed,
the nations on the southern shores faded and rotted away. Egypt lost her
trade, her gold, her power, her art, at last even her pride; one by one her
rivals crept down upon her soil, harassed and conquered her, and laid
her waste.
In 954 B.C. the Libyans came in from the western hills, and laid about
them with fury; in 722 the Ethiopians entered from the south, and avenged
their ancient slavery; in 674 the Assyrians swept down from the north and
subjected priest-ridden Egypt to tribute. For a time Psamtik, Prince of
Sai's, repelled the invaders, and brought Egypt together again under his
leadership. During his long reign, and those of his successors, came the
"Sai'te Revival" of Egyptian art: the architects and sculptors, poets and
scientists of Egypt gathered up the technical and esthetic traditions of their
schools, and prepared to lay them at the feet of the Greeks. But in 525
B.C. the Persians under Cambyses crossed Suez, and again put an end
to Egyptian independence. In 332 B.C. Alexander sallied out of Asia, and
2l6 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. VIII
made Egypt a province of Macedon.* In 48 B.C. Caesar arrived to capture
Egypt's new capital, Alexandria, and to give to Cleopatra the son and heir
whom they vainly hoped to crown as the unifying monarch of the greatest
empires of antiquity." 77 In 30 B.C. Egypt became a province of Rome, and
disappeared from history.
For a time it flourished again when saints peopled the desert, and Cyril
dragged Hypatia to her death in the streets (415 A.D.); and again when the
Moslems conquered it (ca. A.D. 650), built Cairo with the ruins of Mem-
phis, and filled it with bright-domed mosques and citadels. But these were
alien cultures not really Egypt's own, and they too passed away. Today
there is a place called Egypt, but the Egyptian people are not masters
there; long since they have been broken by conquest, and merged in lan-
guage and marriage with their Arab conquerors; their cities know only the
authority of Moslems and Englishmen, and the feet of weary pilgrims who
travel thousands of miles to find that the Pyramids are merely heaps of
stones. Perhaps greatness could grow there again if Asia should once more
become rich, and make Egypt the half-way house of the planet's trade.
But of the morrow, as Lorenzo sang, there is no certainty; and today the
only certainty is decay. On all sides gigantic ruins, monuments and tombs,
memorials of a savage and titanic energy; on all sides poverty and desola-
tion, and the exhaustion of an ancient blood. And on all sides the hostile,
engulfing sands, blown about forever by hot winds, and grimly resolved
to cover everything in the end.
Nevertheless the sands have destroyed only the body of ancient Egypt;
its spirit survives in the lore and memory of our race. The improvement
of agriculture, metallurgy, industry and engineering; the apparent inven-
tion of glass and linen, of paper and ink, of the calendar and the clock, of
geometry and the alphabet; the refinement of dress and ornament, of furni-
ture and dwellings, of society and life; the remarkable development of
orderly and peaceful government, of census and post, of primary and
secondary education, even of technical training for office and administra-
tion; the advancement of writing and literature, of science and medicine;
the first clear formulation known to us of individual and public con-
science, the first cry for social justice, the first widespread monogamy, the
first monotheism, the first essays in moral philosophy; the elevation of
* The history of classical Egyptian civilization under the Ptolemies and the Caesars be-
longs to a later volume.
CHAP. VIIl) EGYPT 217
architecture, sculpture and the minor arts to a degree of excellence and
power never (so far as we know) reached before, and seldom equaled
since: these contributions were not lost, even when their finest exemplars
were buried under the desert, or overthrown by some convulsion of the
globe.* Through the Phoenicians, the Syrians and the Jews, through the
Cretans, the Greeks and the Romans, the civilization of Egypt passed
down to become part of the cultural heritage of mankind. The effect or
remembrance of what Egypt accomplished at the very dawn of history has
influence in every nation and every age. "It is even possible," as Faure
has said, "that Egypt, through the solidarity, the unity, and the disciplined
variety of its artistic products, through the enormous duration and the sus-
tained power of its effort, offers the spectacle of the greatest civilization
that has yet appeared on the earth." 278 We shall do well to equal it.
* Thebes was finally destroyed by an earthquake in 27 B.C.
CHAPTER IX
Babylonia
I. FROM HAMMURABI TO NEBUCHADREZZAR
Babylonian contributions to modern civilization The Land be-
tween the Rivers Hammurabi His capital The Kassite
Domination The Amarna letters The Assyrian Con-
questNebuchadrezzarBabylon in the days of
its glory
IVILIZATION, like life, is a perpetual struggle with death. And as
life maintains itself only by abandoning old, and recasting itself in
younger and fresher, forms, so civilization achieves a precarious survival
by changing its habitat or its blood. It moved from Ur to Babylon and
Judea, from Babylon to Nineveh, from these to Persepolis, Sardis and
Miletus, and from these, Egypt and Crete to Greece and Rome.
No one looking at the site of ancient Babylon today would suspect that
these hot and dreary wastes along the Euphrates were once the rich and
powerful capital of a civilization that almost created astronomy, added
richly to the progress of medicine, established the science of language,
prepared the first great codes of law, taught the Greeks the rudiments of
mathematics, physics and philosophy, 1 gave the Jews the mythology which
they gave to the world, and passed on to the Arabs part of that scientific
and architectural lore with which they aroused the dormant soul of medie-
val Europe. Standing before the silent Tigris and Euphrates one finds it
hard to believe that they are the same rivers that watered Sumeria and
Akkad, and nourished the Hanging Gardens of Babylon.
In some ways they are not the same rivers: not only because "one never
steps twice into the same stream," but because these old rivers have long
since remade their beds along new courses, 1 and "mow with their scythes
of whiteness" 8 other shores. As in Egypt the Nile, so here the Tigris and
the Euphrates provided, for thousands of miles, an avenue of commerce
and in their southern reachesspringtime inundations that helped the
peasant to fertilize his soil. For rain comes to Babylonia only in the winter
218
CHAP. IX ) BABYLONIA 219
months; from May to November it comes not at all; and the earth, but
for the overflow of the rivers, would be as arid as northern Mesopotamia
was then and is today. Through the abundance of the rivers and the toil
of many generations of men, Babylonia became the Eden of Semitic
legend, the garden and granary of western Asia.*
"" Historically and ethnically Babylonia was a product of the union of the
Akkadians and the Sumerians. Their mating generated the Babylonian
type, in which the Akkadian Semitic strain proved dominant; their warfare
ended in the triumph of Akkad, and the establishment of Babylon as the
capital of all lower Mesopotamia. At the outset of this history stands
the powerful figure of Hammurabi (2123-2081 B.C.) conqueror and law-
giver through a reign of forty-three years. Primeval seals and inscriptions
transmit him to us partially a youth full of fire and genius, a very whirl-
wind in battle, who crushes all rebels, cuts his enemies into pieces, marches
over inaccessible mountains, and never loses an engagement. Under him
the petty warring states of the lower valley were forced into unity and
peace, and disciplined into order and security by an historic code of laws.
The Code of Hammurabi was unearthed at Susa in 1902, beautifully
engraved upon a diorite cylinder that had been carried from Babylon to
Elam (ca. noo B.C.) as a trophy of war.f Like that of Moses, this legis-
lation was a gift from Heaven, for one side of the cylinder shows the King
receiving the laws from Shamash, the Sun-god himself. The Prologue is
almost in Heaven:
When the lofty Anu, King of the Anunaki and Bel, Lord of
Heaven and Earth, he who determines the destiny of the land,
committed the rule of all mankind to Marduk; . . . when they
pronounced the lofty name of Babylon; when they made it famous
among the quarters of the world and in its midst established an
everlasting kingdom whose foundations were firm as heaven and
earth at that time Anu and Bel called me, Hammurabi, the ex-
alted prince, the worshiper of the gods, to cause justice to prevail
in the land, to destroy the wicked and the evil, to prevent the
strong from oppressing the weak, . . . to enlighten the land and to
further the welfare of the people. Hammurabi, the governor named
by Bel, am I, who brought about plenty and abundance; who made
* The Euphrates is one of the four rivers which, according to Genesis (ii, 14), flowed
through Paradise,
fit is now in the Louvre.
220 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
everything for Nippur and Durilu complete; . . . who gave life to
the city of Uruk; who supplied water in abundance to its inhabi-
tants; . . . who made the city of Borsippa beautiful; . . . wlpo stored
up grain for the mighty Urash; . . . who helped his people in time
of need; who establishes in security their property in Babylon; the
governor of the people, the servant, whose deeds are pleasing to
Anunit. 4
The words here arbitrarily underlined have a modern ring; one would
not readily attribute them to an Oriental "despot" 2100 B.C., or suspect
that the laws that they introduce were based upon Sumerian prototypes
now six thousand years old. This ancient origin combined with Baby-
lonian circumstance to give the Code a composite and heterogeneous char-
acter. It begins with compliments to the gods, but takes no f urther notice
of them in its astonishingly secular legislation. It mingles the most enlight-
ened laws with the most barbarous punishments, and sets the primitive
lex talionis and trial by ordeal alongside elaborate judicial procedures and
a discriminating attempt to limit marital tyranny. 6 All in all, these 285
laws, arranged almost scientifically under the headings of Personal Prop-
erty, Real Estate, Trade and Business, the Family, Injuries, and Labor,
form a code more advanced and civilized than that of Assyria a thousand
and more years later, and in many respects "as good as that of a modern
European state."'* There are few words finer in the history of law than
those with which the great Babylonian brings his legislation to a close:
The righteous laws which Hammurabi, the wise king, estab-
lished, and (by which) he gave the land stable support and pure
government. ... I am the guardian governor. ... In my bosom I
carried the people of the land of Sumer and Akkad; ... in my wis-
dom I restrained them, that the strong might not oppress the weak,
and that they should give justice to the orphan and the widow.
. . . Let any oppressed man, who has a cause, come before my
image as king of righteousness! Let him read the inscription on my
monument! Let him give heed to my weighty words! And may
my monument enlighten him as to his cause, and may he under-
stand his case! May he set his heart at ease, (exclaiming:) "Ham-
* The "Mosaic Code" apparently borrows from it, or derives with it from a common
original. The habit of stamping a legal contract with an official seal goes back to
Hammurabi.'
CHAP. DC) BABYLONIA 221
murabi indeed is a ruler who is like a real father to his people;
... he has established prosperity for his people for all time, and
given a pure government to the land." . . .
In the days that are yet to come, for all future time, may the
king who is in the land observe the words of righteousness which I
have written upon my monument! 1
This unifying legislation was but one of Hammurabi's accomplishments.
At his command a great canal was dug between Kish and the Persian Gulf,
thereby irrigating a large area of land, and protecting the cities of the south
from the destructive floods which the Tigris had been wont to visit upon
them. In another inscription which has found its devious way from his
time to ours he tells us proudly how he gave water (that noble and unap-
preciated commonplace, which was once a luxury), security and gov-
ernment to many tribes. Even through the boasting (an honest mannerism
of the Orient) we hear the voice of statesmanship.
When Anu and Enlil (the gods of Uruk and Nippur) gave me
the lands of Sumer and Akkad to rule, and they entrusted this
sceptre to me, I dug the canal Htmmurabi-nukhush-nishi (Ham-
murabi - the - Abundance - of - the - People ) , which bringeth copious
water to the land of Sumer and Akkad. Its banks on both sides I
turned into cultivated ground; I heaped up piles of grain, I pro-
vided unfailing water for the lands. . . . The scattered people I
gathered; with pasturage and water I provided them; I pastured
them with abundance, and settled them in peaceful dwellings.'
Despite the secular quality of his laws Hammurabi was clever enough
, to gild his authority with the approval of the gods. He built temples as
well as forts, and coddled the clergy by constructing at Babylon a gigantic
sanctuary for Marduk and his wife (the national deities), and a massive
granary to store up wheat for gods and priests. These and similar gifts
were an astute investment, from which he expected steady returns in the
awed obedience of the people. From their taxes he financed the forces
of law and order, and had enough left over to beautify his capital. Palaces
and temples rose on every hand; a bridge spanned the Euphrates to let the
city spread itself along both banks; ships manned with ninety men plied up
222 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IX
and down the river. Two thousand years before Christ Babylon was
already one of the richest cities that history had yet known.*
The people were of Semitic appearance, dark in hair and features, mas-
culinely bearded for the most part, and occasionally bewigged. Both sexes
wore the hak long; sometimes even the men dangled curls; frequently the
men, as well as the women, disguised themselves with perfumes. The
common dress for both sexes was a white linen tunic reaching to the feet;
in the women it left one shoulder bare, in the men it was augmented with
mantle and robe. As wealth grew, the people developed a taste for color,
and dyed for themselves garments of blue on red, or red on blue, in stripes,
circles, checks or dots. The bare feet of the Sumerian period gave way to
shapely sandals, and the male head, in Hammurabi's time, was swathed in
turbans. The women wore necklaces, bracelets and amulets, and strings of
beads in their carefully coiffured hair; the men flourished walking-sticks
with carved heads, and carried on their girdles the prettily designed seals
with which they attested their letters and documents, fhe priests wore
tall conical caps to conceal their humanity. 10
It is almost a law of history that the same wealth that generates a civili-
zation announces its decay. For wealth produces ease as well as art; it
softens a people to the ways of luxury and peace, and invites invasion from
stronger arms and hungrier mouths. On the eastern boundary of the new
state a hardy tribe of mountaineers, the Kassites, looked with envy upon
the riches of Babylon. Light years after Hammurabi's death they inun-
dated the land, plundered it, retreated, raided it again and again, and
finally settled down in it as conquerors and rulers; this is the normal
origin of aristocracies. They were of non-Semitic stock, perhaps descend-
ants of European immigrants from neolithic days; their victory over Sem-
itic Babylon represented one more swing of the racial pendulum in west-
ern Asia. For several centuries Babylonia lived in an ethnic and political
chaos that put a stop to the development of science and art. 11 We have
a kaleidoscope of this stifling disorder in the "Amarna" letters, in which
the kinglets of Babylonia and Syria, having sent modest tribute to im-
perial Egypt after the victories of Thutmose III, beg for aid against rebels
and invaders, and quarrel about the value of the gifts that they exchange
* "In all essentials Babylonia, in the time of Hammurabi, and even earlier, had reached a
' pitch of material civilization which has never since been surpassed in Asia." Christopher
Dawson, Enquiries into Religion and Culture, New York, 1933, p. 107. Perhaps we should
except the ages of Xerxes I in Persia, Ming Huang in China, and Akbar in India.
CHAP. EX) BABYLONIA 223
with the disdainful Amenhotep III and the absorbed and negligent
Ikhnaton.*
The Kassites were expelled after almost six centuries of rule as disruptive
as the similar sway of the Hyksos in Egypt. The disorder continued for
four hundred years more under obscure Babylonian rulers, whose poly-
syllabic roster might serve as an obbligato to Gray's Elegy ,t until the
rising power of Assyria in the north stretched down its hand and brought
Babylonia under the kings of Nineveh. When Babylon rebelled, Sennach-
erib destroyed it almost completely; but the genial despotism of Esar-
haddon restored it to prosperity and culture. The rise of the Medes
weakened Assyria, and with their help Nabopolassar liberated Babylonia,
set up an independent dynasty, and dying, bequeathed this second Baby-
lonian kingdom to his son Nebuchadrezzar II, villain of the vengeful
and legendary Book of Daniel. Nebuchadrezzar's inaugural address to
Marduk, god-in-chief of Babylon, reveals a glimpse of an Oriental mon-
arch's aims and character:
As my precious life do I love thy sublime appearance! Outside
of my city Babylon, I have not selected among all settlements any
dwelling. ... At thy command, O merciful Marduk, may the house
that I have built endure forever, may I be satiated with its splendor,
attain old age therein, with abundant offspring, and receive therein
tribute of the kings of all regions, from all mankind."
He lived almost up to his hopes, for though illiterate and not unques-
tionably sane, he became the most powerful ruler of his time in the
Near East, and the greatest warrior, statesman and builder in all the suc-
cession of Babylonian kings after Hammurabi himself. When Egypt
conspired with Assyria to reduce Babylonia to vassalage again, Nebuchad-
* The Amarna letters are dreary reading, full of adulation, argument, entreaty and com-
plaint. Hear, e.g., Burraburiash II, King of Karduniash (in Mesopotamia), writing to
Amenhotep HI about an exchange of royal gifts in which Burraburiash seems to have
been worsted: "Ever since my mother and thy father sustained friendly relations with one
another, they exchanged valuable presents; and the choicest desire, each of the other, they
did not refuse. Now my brother (Amenhotep) has sent me as a present (only) two
manehs of gold. But send me as much gold as thy father; and if it be less, let it be half
of what thy father would send. Why didst thou send me only two manehs of gold?""
t Marduk-shapik-zeri, Ninurta-nadin-sham, Enlil-nadin-apli, Itti-Marduk-balatu, Marduk-
shapik-zer-mati, etc. Doubtless our own full names, linked with such hyphens, would
make a like cacophony to alien ears.
224 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
rezzar met the Egyptian hosts at Carchemish (on the upper reaches of the
Euphrates), and almost annihilated them. Palestine and Syria then fell
easily under his sway, and Babylonian merchants controlled all the trade
that flowed across western Asia from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterran-
ean Sea.
Nebuchadrezzar spent the tolls of this trade, the tributes of these sub-
jects, and the taxes of his people, in beautifying his capital and assuaging
the hunger of the priests. "Is not this the great Babylon that I built?" 1 *
He resisted the temptation to be merely a conqueror; he sallied forth occa-
sionally to teach his subjects the virtues of submission, but for the most
part he stayed at home, making Babylon the unrivaled capital of the Near
East, the largest and most magnificent metropolis of the ancient world. 1 *
Nabopolassar had laid plans for the reconstruction of the city; Nebuchad-
rezzar used his long reign of forty-three years to carry them to comple-
tion. Herodotus, who saw Babylon a century and a half later, described
it as "standing in a spacious plain," and surrounded by a wall fifty-six
miles in length," so broad that a four-horse chariot could be driven along
the top, and enclosing an area of some two hundred square miles. 18 *
Through the center of the town ran the palm-fringed Euphrates, busy
with commerce and spanned by a handsome bridge. 19 ! Practically all the
better buildings were of brick, for stone was rare in Mesopotamia; but
the bricks were often faced with enameled tiles of brilliant blue, yellow or
white, adorned with animal and other figures in glazed relief, which remain
to this day supreme in their kind. Nearly all the bricks so far recovered
from the site of Babylon bear the proud inscription: "I am Nebuchad-
rezzar, King of Babylon." 31
Approaching the city the traveler saw first at the crown of a very
mountain of masonry an immense and lofty ziggurat, rising in seven stages
of gleaming enamel to a height of 650 feet, crowned with a shrine con-
taining a massive table of solid gold, and an ornate bed on which, each
night, some woman slept to await the pleasure of the god. 28 This structure,
taller than the pyramids of Egypt, and surpassing in height all but the
latest of modern buildings, was probably the "Tower of Babel" of He-
braic myth, the many-storied audacity of a people who did not know
* Probably this included not only the city proper but a large agricultural hinterland
within the walls, designed to provide the teeming metropolis with sustenance in time of
siege.
t If we may trust Diodoms Siculus, a tunnel fifteen feet wide and twelve feet high 'con-
nected the two banks.*'
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA 225
Yahveh, and whom the God of Hosts was supposed to have confounded
with a multiplicity of tongues.* South of the ziggurat stood the gigantic
Temple of Marduk, tutelary deity of Babylon. Around and below this
temple the city spread itself out in a few wide and brilliant avenues, crossed
by crowded canals and narrow winding streets alive, no doubt, with traffic
and bazaars, and Orientally odorous with garbage and humanity. Con-
necting the temples was a spacious "Sacred Way," paved with asphalt-
covered bricks overlaid with flags of limestone and red breccia-, over this
the gods might pass without muddying their feet. This broad avenue
was flanked with walls of colored tile, on which stood out, in low relief,
one hundred and twenty brightly enameled lions, snarling to keep the
impious away. At one end of the Sacred Way rose the magnificent
Ishtar Gate, a massive double portal of resplendent tiles, adorned with
enameled flowers and animals of admirable color, vitality, and line.f
Six hundred yards north of the "Tower of Babel" rose a mound called
Kasr, on which Nebuchadrezzar built the most imposing of his palaces.
At its center stood his principal dwelling-place, the walls of finely made
yellow brick, the floors of white and mottled sandstone; reliefs of vivid
blue glaze adorned the surfaces, and gigantic basalt lions guarded the
entrance. Nearby, supported on a succession of superimposed circular
colonnades, were the famous Hanging Gardens, which the Greeks in-
cluded among the Seven Wonders of the World. The gallant Nebuchad-
rezzar had built them for one of his wives, the daughter of Cyaxares,
King of the Medes; this princess, unaccustomed to the hot sun and dust of
Babylon, pined for the verdure of her native hills. The topmost terrace
was covered with rich soil to the depth of many feet, providing space and
nourishment not merely for varied flowers and plants, but for the largest
and most deep-rooted trees. Hydraulic engines concealed in the columns
and manned by shifts of slaves carried water from the Euphrates to the
highest tier of the gardens. 24 Here, seventy-five feet above the ground, in
the cool shade of tall trees, and surrounded by exotic shrubs and fragrant
flowers, the ladies of the royal harem walked unveiled, secure from the
common eye; while, in the plains and streets below, the common man and
woman ploughed, wove, built, carried burdens, and reproduced their
kind.
* Babel, however, does not mean confusion or babble, as the legend supposes; as used in
the word Babylon it meant the Gate of God." 13
tA reconstruction of the Ishtar Gate can be seen in the Vorderasiatisches Museum,
Berlin.
226 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
II. THE TOILERS
Hunting - Tillage - Food - Industry - Transport - The perils
of commerce Money -lenders Slaves
Part of the country was still wild and dangerous; snakes wandered in
the thick grass, and the kings of Babylonia and Assyria made it their royal
sport to hunt in hand-to-hand conflict the lions that prowled in the woods,
posed placidly for artists, but fled timidly at the nearer approach of men.
Civilization is an occasional and temporary interruption of the jungle.
Most of the soil was tilled by tenants or by slaves; some of it by peasant
proprietors.* In the earlier centuries the ground was broken up with stone
"hoes, as in neolithic tillage; a seal dating some 1400 B.C. is our earliest
representation of the plough in Babylonia. Probaby this ancient and hon-
orable tool had already a long history behind it in the Land between the
Rivers; and yet it was modern enough, for though it was drawn by oxen
in the manner of our fathers, it had, attached to the plough, as in Sumeria, a
tube through which the seed was sown in the manner of our children." 8
The waters of the rising rivers were not allowed to flood the land as in
Egypt; on the contrary, every farm was protected from the inundation by
ridges of earth, some of which can still be seen today. The overflow was
guided into a complex network of canals, or stored into reservoirs, from
which it was sluiced into the fields as needed, or raised over the ridges by
shadufs buckets lifted and lowered on a pivoted and revolving pole. Neb-
uchadrezzar distinguished his reign by building many canals, and gather-
ing the surplus waters of the overflow into a reservoir, one hundred and
forty miles in circumference, which nourished by its outlets vast areas of
land." Ruins of these canals can be seen in Mesopotamia today, andas if
further to bind the quick and the dead the primitive shaduf is still in use in
the valleys of the Euphrates and the Loire."
So watered, the land produced a variety of cereals and pulses, great orchards
of fruits and nuts, and above all, the date; from this beneficent concoction
of sun and soil the Babylonians made bread, honey, cake and other delica-
cies; they mixed it with meal to make one of their most sustaining foods;
and to encourage its reproduction they shook the flowers of the male palm
over those of the female." From Mesopotamia the grape and the olive
were introduced into Greece and Rome and thence into western Europe;
from nearby Persia came the peach; and from the shores of the Black Sea
Lucullus brought the cherry-tree to Rome. Milk, so rare in the distant
Orient, now became one of the staple foods of the Near East. Meat was
rare and costly, but fish from the great streams found their way into the
CHAP, tt) BABYLONIA 227
poorest mouths. And in the evening, when the peasant might have been dis-
turbed by thoughts on life and death, he quieted memory and anticipation
with wine pressed from the date, or beer brewed from die corn.
Meanwhile others pried into the earth, struck oil, and mined copper, lead,
iron, silver and gold. Strabo tells how what he calls "naphtha or liquid as-
phalt" was taken from the soil of Mesopotamia then as now, and how Alex-
ander, hearing that this was a kind of water that burned, tested the report,
incredulously by covering a boy with the strange fluid and igniting hinr
with a torch. 80 Tools, which had still been of stone in the days of Ham-
murabi, began, at the turn of the last millennium before Christ, to be made of
bronze, then of iron; and the art of casting metal appeared. Textiles were
woven of cotton and wool; stuffs were dyed and embroidered with such
skill that these tissues became one of the most valued exports of Babylonia,
praised to the skies by the writers of Greece and Rome. 81 As far back as we
can go in Mesopotamian history we find the weaver's loom and the potter's
wheel; these were almost the only machines. Buildings were mostly of
adobeclay mixed with straw; or bricks still soft and moist were placed one
upon the other and allowed to dry into a solid wall cemented by the sun.
It was observed that the bricks in the fireplace became harder and more
durable than those that the sun had baked; the process of hardening them in
kilns was then a natural development, and thenceforth there was no end to
the making of bricks in Babylon. Trades multiplied and became diversified
and skilled, and as early as Hammurabi industry was organized into guilds
(called "tribes") of masters and apprentices."
Local transport used wheeled carts drawn by patient asses. 88 The horse
is first mentioned in Babylonian records about 2100 B.C., as ^the ass from
the East"; apparently it came from the table-lands of Central Asia, conquered
Babylonia with the Kassites, and reached Egypt with the Hyksos. 84 With
this new means of locomotion and carriage, trade expanded from local to
foreign commerce; Babylon grew wealthy as the commercial hub of the
Near East, and the nations of the ancient Mediterranean world were drawn
into closer contact for good and ill. Nebuchadrezzar facilitated trade by im-
proving the highways; "I have turned inaccessible tracks," he reminds the
historian, "into serviceable roads."* Countless caravans brought to the ba-
zaars and shops of Babylon the products of half the world. From India
they came via Kabul, Herat and Ecbatana; from Egypt via Pelusium and
Palestine; from Asia Minor through Tyre, Sidon and Sardis to Carchemish,
and then down the Euphrates. As a result of all this trade Babylon became,
under Nebuchadrezzar, a thriving and noisy market-place, from which the
wealthy sought refuge in residential suburbs. Note the contemporary ring
of a rich suburbanite's letter to King Cyrus of Persia (ca. 539 B.C.): "Our
228 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. DC
estate seemed to me the finest in the world, for it was so near to Babylon
that we enjoyed all the advantages of a great city, and yet could come back
1 home and be rid of all its rush and worry." 88
Government in Mesopotamia never succeeded in establishing such eco-
nomic order as that which the Pharaohs achieved in Egypt. Commerce was
harassed with a multiplicity of dangers and tolls; the merchant did not know
which to fear the more the robbers that might beset him on the way, or the
towns and baronies that exacted heavy fees from him for the privilege of
using their roads. It was safer, where possible, to take the great national
highway, the Euphrates, which Nebuchadrezzar had made navigable from
the Persian Gulf to Thapsacus. 87 His campaigns in Arabia and his subjuga-
tion of Tyre opened up to Babylonian commerce the Indian and Mediterra-
nean Seas, but these opportunities were only partially explored. For on the
open sea, as in the mountain passes and the desert wastes, perils beset the
merchant at every hour. Vessels were large, but reefs were many and
treacherous; navigation was not yet a science; and at any moment pirates, or
the ambitious dwellers on the shore, might board the ships, appropriate the
merchandise, and enslave or kill the crew. 88 The merchants reimbursed
themselves for such losses by restricting their honesty to the necessities of
each situation.
These difficult transactions were made easier by a well-developed system
of finance. The Babylonians had no coinage, but even before Ham-
murabi they used besides barley and corn ingots of gold and silver as
standards of value and mediums of exchange. The metal was unstamped,
and was weighed at each transaction. The smallest unit of currency was
the shekel a half-ounce of silver worth from $2.50 to $5.00 of our con-
temporary currency; sixty such shekels made a mina, and sixty mlnas made a
talent from $10,000 to $2o,ooo. Mtt Loans were made in goods or currency,
but at a high rate^ of interest, fixed by the state at 20% per annum for loans of
money, and 33% for loans in kind; even these rates were exceeded by lenders
who could hire clever scribes to circumvent the law. 39 There were no banks,
but certain powerful families carried on from generation to generation the
business of lending money; they dealt also in real estate, and financed indus-
trial enterprises; 40 and persons who had funds on deposit with such men could
pay their obligations by written drafts. 41 The priests also made loans, particu-
larly to finance the sowing and reaping of the crops. The law occasionally took
the side of the debtor: e.g., if a peasant mortgaged his farm, and through storm
or drought or other "act of God" had no harvest from his toil, then no in-
terest could be exacted from him in that year. 42 But for the most part the
law was written with an eye to protecting property and preventing losses;
CHAP. K) BABYLONIA 229
it was a principle of Babylonian law that no man had a right to borrow
money unless he wished to be held completely responsible for its repay-
ment; hence the creditor could seize the debtor's slave or son as hostage
for an unpaid debt, and could hold him for not more than three years. A
plague of usury was the price that Babylonian industry, like our own, paid
for the fertilizing activity of a complex credit system. 48
It was eggentially a commercial civilization. Most of the documents that
have come down from it are of a business character sales, loans, contracts,
partnerships, commissions, exchanges, bequests, agreements, promissory notes,
and the like. We find in these tablets abundant evidence of wealth, and a
certain materialistic spirit that managed, like some later civilizations, to re-
concile piety with greed. We see in the literature many signs of a busy and
prosperous life, but we find also, at every turn, reminders of the slavery
that underlies all cultures. The most interesting contracts of sale from the
age of Nebuchadrezzar are those that have to do with slaves." They were
recruited from captives taken in battle, from slave-raids carried out upon
foreign states by marauding Bedouins, and from the reproductive enthusiasm
of the slaves themselves. Their value ranged from $20 to $65 for a woman,
and from $50 to $100 for a man. 46 Most of the physical work in the towns
was done by them, including nearly all of the personal service. Female slaves
were completely at the mercy of their purchaser, and were expected to pro-
vide him with bed as well as board; it was understood that he would breed
through them a copious supply of children, and those slaves who were not
so treated felt themselves neglected and dishonored. 40 The slave and all his
belongings were his master's property: he might be sold or pledged for debt;
he might be put to death if his master thought him less lucrative alive than
dead; if he ran away no one could legally harbor him, and a reward was
fixed for his capture. Like the free peasant he was subject to conscription
for both the army and the corvee i.e., for forced labor in such public
works as cutting roads and digging canals. On the other hand the slave's
master paid his doctor's fees, and kept him moderately alive through illness,
slack employment and old age. He might marry a free woman, and his
children by her would be free; half his property, in such a case, went on his
death to his family. He might be set up in business by his master, and re-
tain part of the profits with which he might then buy his freedom; or his
master might liberate him for exceptional or long and faithful service. But
only a few slaves achieved such freedom. The rest consoled themselves
with a high birth-rate, until they became more numerous than the free. A
great slave-class moved like a swelling subterranean river underneath the
Babylonian state.
230 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IX
HI. THE LAW
The Code of HammurabiThe powers of the king Trial by
ordeal Lex Talionis" Forms of punishment Codes of
'wages and prices State restoration of stolen goods
Such a society, of course, never dreamed of democracy; its economic
character necessitated a monarchy supported by commercial wealth or
feudal privilege, and protected by the judicious distribution of legal vio-
lence. A landed aristocracy, gradually displaced by a commercial plutoc-
racy, helped to maintain social control, and served as intermediary between
people and king. The latter passed his throne down to any son of his
choosing, with the result that every son considered himself heir apparent,
formed a clique of supporters, and, as like as not, raised a war of suc-
cession if his hopes were unfulfilled. 47 Within the limits of this arbitrary
rule the government was carried on by central and local lords or admin-
istrators appointed by the king. These were advised and checked by
provincial or municipal assemblies of elders or notables, who managed to
maintain, even under Assyrian domination, a proud measure of local
self-government. 48
Every administrator, and usually the king himself, acknowledged the
guidance and authority of that great body of law which had been given
form under Hammurabi, and had maintained its substance, despite every
change of circumstance and detail, through fifteen centuries. The legal
development was from supernatural to secular sanctions, from severity to
lenience, and from physical to financial penalties. In the earlier days an
appeal to the gods was taken through trial by ordeal. A man accused of
sorcery, or a woman charged with adultery, was invited to leap into the
Euphrates; and the gods were on the side of the best swimmers. If the
woman emerged alive, she was innocent; if the "sorcerer" was drowned,
his accuser received his property; if he was not, he received the property
of his accuser. 40 The first judges were priests, and to the end of Baby-
lonian history the courts were for the most part located in the temples; 10
but already in the days of Hammurabi secular courts responsible only to
the government were replacing the judgment-seats presided over by the
clergy.
Penology began with the lex talionis, or law of equivalent retaliation.
If a man knocked out an eye or a tooth, or broke a limb, of a patrician,
CHAP. DC) BABYLONIA 23!
precisely the same was to be done to him. 81 If a house collapsed and killed
the purchaser, the architect or builder must die; if the accident killed the
buyer's son, the son of the architect or builder must die; if a man struck
a girl and killed her not he but his daughter must suffer the penalty of
death." Gradually these punishments in kind were replaced by awards of
damages; a payment of money was permitted as an alternative to the
physical retaliation," and later the fine became the sole punishment. So
the eye of a commoner might be knocked out for sixty shekels of silver,
and the eye of a slave might be knocked out for thirty. 54 For the penalty
varied not merely with the gravity of the offense, but with the rank of the
offender and the victim. A member of the aristocracy was subject to
severer penalties for the same crime than a man of the people, but an of-
fense against such an aristocrat was a costly extravagance. A plebeian ,
striking a plebeian was fined ten shekels, or fifty dollars; to strike a person
of title or property cost six times more." From such dissuasions the law
passed to barbarous punishments by amputation or death. A man who
struck his father had his hands cut off ; M a physician whose patient died, or
lost an eye, as the result of an operation, had his fingers cut off;" a nurse
who knowingly substituted one child for another had to sacrifice her
breasts." Death was decreed for a variety of crimes: rape, kidnaping,
brigandage, burglary, incest, procurement of a husband's death by his wife
in order to marry another man, the opening or entering of a wine-shop
by a priestess, the harboring of a fugitive slave, cowardice in the face of
the enemy, malfeasance in office, careless or uneconomical housewifery,"
or malpractice in the selling of beer." In such rough ways, through thou-
sands of years, those traditions and habits of order and self-restraint were
established which became part of the unconscious basis of civilization.
Within certain limits the state regulated prices, wages and fees. What
the surgeon might charge was established by law; and wages were fixed
by the Code of Hammurabi for builders, brickmakers, tailors, stone-
masons, carpenters, boatmen, herdsmen, and laborers." The law of in-
heritance made the man's children, rather than his wife, his natural and
direct heirs; the widow received her dowry and her wedding-gift, and re-
mained head of the household as long as she lived. There was no right of
primogeniture; the sons inherited equally, and in this way the largest
estates were soon redivided, and the concentration of wealth was in some
measure checked." Private property in land and goods was taken for
granted by the Code.
232 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
We find no evidence of lawyers in Babylonia, except for priests who
might serve as notaries, and the scribe who would write for pay anything
from a will to a madrigal. The plaintiff preferred his own plea, without
the luxury of terminology. Litigation was discouraged; the very first
law of the Code reads, with almost illegal simplicity: "If a man bring
an accusation against a man, and charge him with a (capital) crime, but
cannot prove it, the accuser shall be put to death." 03 There are signs
of bribery, and of tampering with witnesses. 04 A court of appeals, staffed
by "the King's Judges," sat at Babylon, and a final appeal might be car-
ried to the king himself. There was nothing in the Code about the
rights of the individual against the state; that was to be a European inno-
vation. But articles 22-24 provided, if not political, at least economic,
protection. "If a man practise brigandage and be captured, that man
shall be put to death. If the brigand be not captured, the man who has
been robbed shall, in the presence of the god, make an itemized statement
of his loss, and the city and governor within whose province and juris-
diction the robbery was committed shall compensate him for whatever
was lost. If it be a life (that was lost), the city and governor shall pay
one mina ($300) to the heirs." What modern city is so well governed
that it would dare to offer such reimbursements to the victims of its neg-
ligence? Has the law progressed since Hammurabi, or only increased
and multiplied?
IV. THE GODS OF BABYLON
Religion and the stateThe junctions and powers of the clergy The
lesser gods Marduklshtar The Babylonian stories of the Crea-
tion and the Flood The love of Ishtar and TammuzThe de-
scent of Ishtar into Hell The death and resurrection of
Tammuz Ritual and prayer Penitential psahns Sin-
Magic Superstition
The power of the king was limited not only by the law and the aris-
tocracy, but by the clergy. Technically the king was merely the agent
of the city god. Taxation was in the name of the god, and found its
way directly or deviously into the temple treasuries. The king was not
really king in the eyes of the people until he was invested with royal
authority by the priests, "took the hands of Bel," and conducted the
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA 233
image of Marduk in solemn procession through the streets. In these
ceremonies the monarch was dressed as a priest, symbolizing the union of
church and state, and perhaps the priestly origin of the kingship. All the
glamor of the supernatural hedged about the throne, and made rebellion
a colossal impiety which risked not only the neck but the soul. Even the
mighty Hammurabi received his laws from the god. From the patesis
or priest-governors of Sumeria to the religious coronation of Nebuchad-
rezzar, Babylonia remained in effect a theocratic state, always "under the
thumb of the priests." 85
The wealth of the temples grew from generation to generation, as the
uneasy rich shared their dividends with the gods. The kings, feeling an
especial need of divine forgiveness, built the temples, equipped them with
furniture, food and slaves, deeded to them great areas of land, and as-
signed to them an annual income from the state. When the army won a
battle, the first share of the captives and the spoils went to the temples;
when any special good fortune befell the king, extraordinary gifts were
dedicated to the gods. Certain lands were required to pay to the temples
a yearly tribute of dates, corn, or fruit; if they failed, the temples could
foreclose on them; and in this way the lands usually came into pos-
session by the priests. Poor as well as rich turned over to the temples
as much as they thought profitable of their earthly gains. Gold, silver,
copper, lapis lazuli, gems and precious woods accumulated in the sacred
treasury.
As the priests could not directly use or consume this wealth, they
turned it into productive or investment capital, and became the greatest
agriculturists, manufacturers and financiers of the nation. Not only did
they hold vast tracts of land; they owned a great number of slaves, or con-
trolled hundreds of laborers, who were hired out to other employers, or
worked for the temples in their divers trades from the playing of music
to the brewing of beer." The priests were also the greatest merchants
and financiers of Babylonia; they sold the varied products of the temple
shops, and handled a large proportion of the country's trade; they had
a reputation for wise investment, and many persons entrusted their sav-
ings to them, confident of a modest but reliable return. They made loans
on more lenient terms than the private money-lenders; sometimes they
lent to the sick or the poor without interest, merely asking a return of the
principal when Marduk should smile upon the borrower again." Finally,
234 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. DC
they performed many legal functions: they served as notaries, attesting
and signing contracts, and making wills; they heard and decided suits and
trials, kept official records, and recorded commercial transactions.
Occasionally the king commandeered some of the temple accumula-
tions to meet an expensive emergency. But this was rare and dangerous, for
the priests had laid terrible curses upon all who should touch, unpermit-
ted, the smallest jot of ecclesiastical property. Besides, their influence
with the people was ultimately greater than that of the king, and they
might in most cases depose him if they set their combined wits and powers
to this end. They had also the advantage of permanence; the king died,
but the god lived on; the council of priests, free from the fortunes of
elections, illnesses, assassinations and wars, had a corporate perpetuity that
made possible long-term and patient policies, such as characterize great
religious organizations to this day. The supremacy of the priests under
these conditions was inevitable. It was fated that the merchants should
make Babylon, and that the priests should enjoy it.
Who were the gods that formed the invisible constabulary of the
state? They were numerous, for the imagination of the people was limit-
less, and there was hardly any end to the needs that deities might serve.
An official census of the gods, undertaken in the ninth century before
Christ, counted them as some 65,000." Every town had its tutelary
divinity; and as, in our own time^ifrfTaith, localities and villages, after
making formal acknowledgment of the Supreme Being, worship specific
minor gods with a special devotion, so Larsa lavished its temples on
Shamash, Uruk on Ishtar, Ur on Nannar for the Sumerian pantheon had
survived the Sumerian state. The gods were not aloof from men; most
of them lived on earth in the temples, ate with a hearty appetite, and
through nocturnal visits to pious women gave unexpected children to
the busy citizens of Babylon. 69
Oldest of all were the astronomic gods: Anu, the immovable firmament,
Shamash, the sun, Nannar, the moon, and Bel or Baal, the earth into whose
bosom all Babylonians returned after death. 70 Every family had household
gods, to whom prayers were said and libations poured each morning and
night; every individual had a protective divinity (or, as we should say, a
guardian angel) to keep him from harm and joy; and genii of fertility hov-
ered beneficently over the fields. It was probably out of this multitude of
spirits that the Jews moulded their cherubim.
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA 235
We do not find among the Babylonians such signs of monotheism as appear
in Ikhnaton and the Second Isaiah. Two forces, however, brought them near
to it: the enlargement of the state by conquest and growth brought local
deities under the supremacy of a single god; and several of the cities patrioti-
cally conferred omnipotence upon their favored divinities. "Trust in Nebo,"
says Nebo, "trust in no other god"; 71 this is not unlike the first of the com-
mandments given to the Jews. Gradually the number of the gods was less-
ened by interpreting the minor ones as forms or attributes of the major dei-
ties. In these ways the god of Babylon, Marduk, originally a sun god,
became sovereign of all Babylonian divinities. 72 Hence his title, Bel-Marduk
that is, Marduk the god. To him and to Ishtar the Babylonians sent up the
most eloquent of their prayers.
Ishtar (Astarte to the Greeks, Ashtoreth to the Jews) interests us
not only as analogue of the Egyptian Isis and prototype of the Grecian
Aphrodite and the Roman Venus, but as the formal beneficiary of one
of the strangest of Babylonian customs. She was Demeter as well as
Aphrodite no mere goddess of physical beauty and love, but the gracious
divinity of bounteous motherhood, the secret inspiration of the growing
soil, and the creative principle everywhere. It is impossible to find much *
harmony, from a modern point of view, in the attributes and functions of
Ishtar: she was the goddess of war as well as of love, of prostitutes as well
as of mothers; she called herself "a compassionate courtesan"; 78 she was
represented sometimes as a bearded bisexual deity, sometimes as a nude
female offering her breasts to suck; 74 and though her worshipers repeat-
edly addressed her as "The Virgin," "The Holy Virgin," and "The
Virgin Mother," this merely meant that her amours were free from all
taint of wedlock. Gilgamesh rejected her advances on the ground that
she could not be trusted; had she not once loved, seduced, and then slain,
a lion? 78 It is clear that we must put our own moral code to one side if
we are to understand her. Note with what fervor the Babylonians could
lift up to her throne litanies of laudation only less splendid than those which
a tender piety once raised to the Mother of God:
I beseech thee, Lady of Ladies, Goddess of Goddesses, Ishtar, Queen
of all cities, leader of all men.
Thou art the light of the world, thou art the light of heaven, mighty
daughter of Sin (the moon-god). . . .
Supreme is thy might, O Lady, exalted art thou above all gods.
236 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IX
Thou renderest judgment, and thy decision is righteous.
Unto thec are subject the laws of the earth and the laws of heaven,
the laws of the temples and the shrines, the laws of the private
apartment and the secret chamber.
Where is the place where thy name is not, and where is the spot
where thy commandments are not known?
At thy name the earth and the heavens shake, and the gods they
tremble. . . .
Thou lookest upon the oppressed, and to the down-trodden thou
bringest justice every day.
How long, Queen of Heaven and Earth, how long,
How long, Shepherdess of pale-faced men, wilt thou tarry?
How long, O Queen whose feet are not weary, and whose knees
make haste?
How long, Lady of Hosts, Lady of Battles?
Glorious one whom all the spirits of heaven fear, who subduest all
angry gods; mighty above all rulers; who boldest the reins of kings.
Opener of the womb of all women, great is thy light.
Shining light of heaven, light of the world, cnlightencr of all the
places where men dwell, who gatherest together the hosts of the
nations.
Goddess of men, Divinity of women, thy counsel passeth under-
standing.
Where thou glancest, the dead come to life, and the sick rise and
walk; the mind of the diseased is healed when it looks upon thy
face.
How long, O Lady, shall mine enemy triumph over me?
Command, and at thy command the angry god will turn back.
Ishtar is great! Ishtar is Queen! My Lady is exalted, my Lady is
Queen, Innini, the mighty daughter. of Sin.
There is none like unto her. 76
With these gods as dramatis persons the Babylonians constructed myths
which, have in large measure come down to us, through the Jews, as part
of our own religious lore. There was first of all the myth of the crea-
tion. In the beginning was Chaos. "In the time when nothing which was
called heaven existed above, and when nothing below had yet received
the name of earth, Apsu, the Ocean, who first was their father, and
Tiamat, Chaos, who gave birth to them all, mingled their waters in one."
Things slowly began to grow and take form; but suddenly the monster-
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA 237
goddess Tiamat set out to destroy all the other gods, and to make her-
selfChaos supreme. A mighty revolution ensued in which all order was
destroyed. Then another god, Marduk, slew Tiamat with her own medi-
cine by casting a hurricane of wind into her mouth as she opened it to
swallow him; then he thrust his lance into Tiamat's wind-swollen paunch,
and the goddess of Chaos blew up. Marduk, "recovering his calm," says the
legend, split the dead Tiamat into two longitudinal halves, as one does
a fish for drying; "then he hung up one of the halves on high, which be-
came the heavens; the other half he spread out under his feet to form the
earth." 77 This is as much as we yet know about creation. Perhaps the
ancient poet meant to suggest that the only creation of which we can
know anything is the replacement of chaos with order, for in the end
this is the essence of art and civilization. We should remember, however,
that the defeat of Chaos is only a myth.*
Having moved heaven and earth into place, Marduk undertook to
knead earth with his blood and thereby make men for the service of the
gods. Mesopotamian legends differed on the precise way in which this
was done; they agreed in general that man was fashioned by the deity
from a lump of clay. Usually they represented him as living at first not
in a paradise but in bestial simplicity and ignorance, until a strange mon-
ster called Cannes, half fish and half philosopher, taught him the arts
and sciences, the rules for founding cities, and the principles of law; after
which Cannes plunged into the sea, and wrote a book on the history of
civilization. 79 Presently, however, the gods became dissatisfied with the
men whom they had created, and sent a great flood to destroy them and
all their works. The god of wisdom, Ea, took pity on mankind, and
resolved to save one man at least Shamash-napishtim and his wife. The
flood raged; men "encumbered the sea like fishes' spawn." Then sud-
denly the gods wept and gnashed their teeth at their own folly, asking
themselves, "Who will make the accustomed offerings now?" But Sham-
ash-napishtim had built an ark, had survived the flood, had perched on
the mountain of Nisir, and had sent out a reconnoitering dove; now he
decided to sacrifice to the gods, who accepted his gifts with surprise and
gratitude. "The gods snuffed up the odor, the gods snuffed up the ex-
cellent odor, the gods gathered like flies above the offering." 80
* The Babylonian story of creation consists of seven tablets (one for each day of crea-
tion) found in the ruins of Ashurbanipal's library at Kuyunjik (Nineveh) in 1854; they
are a copy of a legend that came down to Babylonia and Assyria from Sumeria. 78
238 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
Lovelier than this vague memory of some catastrophic inundation is
the vegetation myth of Ishtar and Tammuz. In the Sumerian f orm of the
tale Tammuz is Ishtar's young brother; in the Babylonian form he is some-
times her lover, sometimes her son; both forms seem to have entered into
the myths of Venus and Adonis, Demeter and Persephone, and a hun-
dred scattered legends of death and resurrection. Tammuz, son of the
great god Ea, is a shepherd pasturing his flock under the great tree Erida
(which covers the whole earth with its shade) when Ishtar, always in-
satiable, falls in love with him, and chooses him to be the spouse of her
youth. But Tammuz, like Adonis, is gored to death by a wild boar, and
descends, like all the dead, into that dark subterranean Hades which the
Babylonians called Aralu, and over which they set as ruler Ishtar's
jealous sister, Ereshkigal. Ishtar, mourning inconsolably, resolves to go
down to Aralu and restore Tammuz to life by bathing his wounds in the
waters of a healing spring. Soon she appears at the gates of Hades in all
her imperious beauty, and demands entrance. The tablets tell the story
vigorously:
When Ereshkigal heard this,
As when one hews down a tamarisk (she trembled?).
As when one cuts a reed (she shook?).
"What has moved her heart, what has (stirred) her liver?
Ho, there, (does) this one (wish to dwell) with me?
To eat clay as food, to drink (dust?) as wine?
I weep for the men who have left their wives;
I weep for the wives torn from the embrace of their husbands;
For the little ones (cut off) before their time.
Go, gate-keeper, open thy gate for her,
Deal with her according to the ancient decree."
The ancient decree is that none but the nude shall enter Aralu. There-
fore at each of the successive gates through which Ishtar must pass, the
keeper divests her of some garment or ornament: first her crown, then
her ear-rings, then her necklace, then the ornaments from her bosom,
then her many-jeweled girdle, then the spangles from her hands and
feet, and lastly her loin-cloth; and Ishtar, protesting gracefully, yields.
Now when Ishtar had gone down into the land of no return,
Ereshkigal saw her and was angered at her presence.
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA 239
Ishtar without reflection threw herself at her.
Ereshkigal opened her mouth and spoke
To Namtar, her messenger. . . .
"Go, Namtar, (imprison her?) in my palace.
Send against her sixty diseases,
Eye disease against her eyes,
Disease of the side against her side,
Foot-disease against her foot,
Heart-disease against her heart,
Head-disease against her head,
Against her whole being."
While Ishtar is detained in Hades by these sisterly attentions, the earth,
missing the inspiration of her presence, forgets incredibly all the arts and
ways of love: plant no longer fertilizes plant, vegetation languishes, ani-
mals experience no heat, men cease to yearn.
After the lady Ishtar had gone down into the land of no return,
The bull did not mount the cow, the ass approached not the she-ass;
To the maid in the street no man drew near;
The man slept in his apartment,
The maid slept by herself.
Population begins to diminish, and the gods note with alarm a sharp
decline in the number of offerings from the earth. In panic they command
Ereshkigal to release Ishtar. It is done, but Ishtar refuses to return to
the surface of the earth unless she is allowed to take Tammuz with her.
She wins her point, passes triumphantly through the seven gates, receives
her loin-cloth, her spangles, her girdle, her pectorals, her necklace, her
ear-rings and her crown. As she appears plants grow and bloom again,
the land swells with food, and every animal resumes the business of re-
producing his kind." Love, stronger than death, is restored to its rightful
place as master of gods and men. To the modern scholar it is only an ad-
mirable legend, symbolizing delightfully the yearly death and rebirth of
the soil, and that omnipotence of Venus which Lucretius was to cele-
brate in his own strong verse; to the Babylonians it was sacred history,
faithfully believed and annually commemorated in a day of mourning and
wailing for the dead Tammuz, followed by riotous rejoicing over his
resurrection."
240 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
Nevertheless the Babylonian derived no satisfaction from the idea of per-
sonal immortality. His religion was terrestrially practical; when he prayed
he asked not for celestial rewards but for earthly goods;* he could not trust
his gods beyond the grave. It is true that one text speaks of Marduk as he
"who gives back life to the dead," 8 * and the story of the flood represents its
two survivors as living forever. But for the most part the Babylonian con-
ception of another life was like that of the Greeks: dead mensaints and vil-
lains, geniuses and idiots, alike went to a dark and shadowy realm within
the bowels of the earth, and none of them saw the light again. There was a
heaven, but only for the gods; the Aralu to which all men descended was
a place frequently of punishment, never of joy; there the dead lay bound
hand and foot forever, shivering with cold, and subject to hunger and
thirst unless their children placed food periodically in their graves. 85 Those
who had been especially wicked on earth were subjected to horrible tortures;
leprosy consumed them, or some other of the diseases which Nergal and Allat,
male and female lords of Aralu, had arranged for their rectification.
Most bodies were buried in vaults; a few were cremated, and their remains
were preserved in urns. 80 The dead body was not embalmed, but professional
mourners washed and perfumed it, clad it presentably, painted its checks,
darkened its eyelids, put rings upon its fingers, and provided it with a change
of linen. If the corpse was that of a woman it was equipped with scent-
bottles, combs, cosmetic pencils, and eye-paint to preserve its fragrance and
complexion in the nether world.* 7 If not properly buried the dead would
torment the living; if not buried at all, the soul would prowl about sewers
and gutters for food, and might afflict an entire city with pestilence. 88 It was
a medley of ideas not as consistent as Euclid, but sufficing to prod the simple
Babylonian to keep his gods and priests well fed.
The usual offering was food and drink, for these had the advantage that if
they were not entirely consumed by the gods the surplus need not go to
waste. A frequent sacrifice on Babylonian altars was the lamb; and an old
Babylonian incantation strangely anticipates the symbolism of Judaism and
Christianity: "The lamb as a substitute for a man, the lamb he gives for his
life." 89 Sacrifice was a complex ritual, requiring the expert services of a priest;
every act and word of the ceremony was settled by sacred tradition, and
any amateur deviation from these forms might mean that the gods would eat
without listening. In general, to the Babylonian, religion meant correct
ritual rather than the good life. To do one's duty to the gods one had to
offer proper sacrifice to the temples, and recite the appropriate prayers; 90 for
the rest he might cut out the eyes of his fallen enemy, cut off the hands and
feet of captives, and roast their remainders alive in a furnace, 01 without much
offense to heaven. To participate in or reverently to attend long and solemn
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA 24!
processions like those in which the priests carried from sanctuary to sanc-
tuary the image of Marduk, and performed the sacred drama of his death
and resurrection; to anoint the idols with sweet-scented oils,* to burn
incense before them, clothe them with rich vestments, or adorn them with
jewelry; to offer up the virginity of their daughters in the great festival of
Ishtar; to put food and drink before the gods, and to be generous to the
priests these were the essential works of the devout Babylonian soul. 98
Perhaps we misjudge him, as doubtless the future will misjudge us from
the fragments that accident will rescue from our decay. Some of the
finest literary relics of the Babylonians are prayers that breathe a profound
and sincere piety. Hear the proud Nebuchadrezzar humbly addressing
Marduk:
Without thee, Lord, what could there be
For the king thou lovest, and dost call his name?
Thou shalt bless his title as thou wilt,
And unto him vouchsafe a path direct.
I, the prince obeying thee,
Am what thy hands have made.
'Tis thou who art my creator,
Entrusting me with the rule of hosts of men.
According to thy mercy, Lord, . . .
Turn into loving-kindness thy dread power,
And make to spring up in my heart
A reverence for thy divinity.
Give as thou thinkest best. 04
The surviving literature abounds in hymns full of that passionate self
abasement with which the Semite tries to control and conceal his pride.
Many of them take the character of "penitential psalms," and prepare
us for the magnificent feeling and imagery of "David"; who knows bu*
they served as models for that many-headed Muse?
I, thy servant, full of sighs cry unto thee.
Thou acceptest the fervent prayer of him who is burdened with sin.
Thou lookest upon a man, and that man lives. . . .
Look with true favor upon me, and accept my supplication. . . .
Therefore Tammuz was called "The Anointed." 91
242 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IX
And then, as if uncertain of the sex of the god-
How long, my god,
How long, my goddess, until thy face be turned to me?
How long, known and unknown god, until the anger of thy heart
shall be appeased?
How long, known and unknown goddess, until thy unfriendly heart
be appeased?
Mankind is perverted, and has no judgment;
Of all men who are alive, who knows anything?
They do not know whether they do good or evil.
O Lord, do not cast aside thy servant;
He is cast into the mire; take his hand!
The sin which I have sinned, turn to mercy!
The iniquity which I have committed, let the wind carry away!
My many transgressions tear off like a garment!
My god, my sins are seven times seven; forgive my sins!
My goddess, my sins are seven times seven; forgive my sins! . . .
Forgive my sins, and I will humble myself before thee.
May thy heart, as the heart of a mother who hath borne children,
be glad;
As a mother who hath borne children, as a father who hath begotten,
may it be glad!"
Such psalms and hymns were sung sometimes by the priests, sometimes
by the congregation, sometimes by both in strophe and antistrophe. Per-
haps the strangest circumstance about them is that like all the religious
literature of Babylon they were written in the ancient Sumerian lan-
guage, which served the Babylonian and Assyrian churches precisely as
Latin serves the Roman Catholic Church today. And just as a Catholic
hymnal may juxtapose the Latin text to a vernacular translation, so some
of the hymns that have come down to us from Mesopotamia have a
Babylonian or Assyrian translation written between the lines of the
"classic" Sumerian original, in the fashion of a contemporary schoolboy's
"interlinear." And as the form of these hymns and rituals led to the
Psalms of the Jews and the liturgy of the Roman Church, so their content
presaged the pessimistic and sin-struck plaints of the Jews, the early
Christians, and the modern Puritans. The sense of sin, though it did not
interfere victoriously in Babylonian life, filled the Babylonian chants,
and rang a note that survives in all Semitic liturgies and their anti-Semitic
CHAP. IX ) BABYLONIA 243
derivatives. "Lord," cries one hymn, "my sins are many, great are my
misdeeds! ... I sink under affliction, I can no longer raise my head; I turn
to my merciful God to call upon him, and I groan! . . . Lord, reject not
thy servant!""
These groanings were rendered more sincere by the Babylonian concep-
tion of sin. Sin was no mere theoretical state of the soul; like sickness it was
the possession of the body by a demon that might destroy it. Prayer was in
the nature of an incantation against a demon that had come down upon the
individual out of the ocean of magic forces in which the ancient Orient
lived and moved. Everywhere, in the Babylonian view, these hostile demons
lurked: they hid in strange crannies, slipped through doors or even through
bolts and sockets, and pounced upon their victims in the form of illness or
madness whenever some sin had withdrawn for a moment the beneficent
guardianship of the gods. Giants, dwarfs, cripples, above all, women, had
sometimes the power, even with a glance of the "evil eye," to infuse such a
destructive spirit into the bodies of those toward whom they were ill-dis-
posed. Partial protection against these demons was provided by the use of
magic amulets, talismans and kindred charms; images of the gods, carried on
the body, would usually suffice to frighten the devils away. Little stones
strung on a thread or a chain and hung about the neck were especially
effective, but care had to be taken that the stones were such as tradition asso-
ciated with good luck, and the thread had to be of black, white or red
according to the purpose in view. Thread spun from virgin kids was par-
ticularly powerful." 7 But in addition to such means it was wise also to exor-
cise the demon by fervent incantation and magic ritual for example, by
sprinkling the body with water taken from the sacred streams the Tigris or
the Euphrates. Or an image of the demon could be made, placed on a boat,
and sent over the water with a proper formula; if the boat could be made
to capsize, so much the better. The demon might be persuaded, by the appro-
priate incantation, to leave its human victim and enter an animal a bird, a
pig, most frequently a lamb.* 8
Magic formulas for the elimination of demons, the avoidance of evil and
the prevision of the future constitute the largest category in the Babylonian
writings found in the library of Ashurbanipal. Some of the tablets are
manuals of astrology; others arc lists of omens celestial and terrestrial, with
expert advice for reading them; others are treatises on the interpretation of
dreams, rivaling in their ingenious incredibility the most advanced products
of modern psychology; still others offer instruction in divining the future by
examining the entrails of animals, or by observing the form and position of a
244 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
drop of oil let fall into a jar of water. 8 * Hepatoscopy observation of the
liver of animals was a favorite method of divination among the Babylonian
priests, and passed from them into the classical world; for the liver was
believed to be the seat of the mind in both animals and men. No king would
undertake a campaign or advance to a battle, no Babylonian would risk a
crucial decision or begin an enterprise of great moment, without employing
a priest or a soothsayer to read the omens for him in one or another of these
recondite ways.
Never was a civilization richer in superstitions. Every turn of chance
from the anomalies of birth to the varieties of death received a popular,
sometimes an official and sacerdotal, interpretation in magical or super-
natural terms. Every movement of the rivers, every aspect of the stars,
every dream, every unusual performance of man or beast, revealed the
future to the properly instructed Babylonian. The fate of a king could be
forecast by observing the movements of a dog, 100 just as we foretell the
length of the winter by spying upon the groundhog. The superstitions
of Babylonia seem ridiculous to us, because they differ superficially from
our own. There is hardly an absurdity of the past that cannot be found
flourishing somewhere in the present. Underneath all civilization, ancient
or modern, moved and still moves a sea of magic, superstition and sorcery.
Perhaps they will remain when the works of our reason have passed away.
V. THE MORALS OF BABYLON
Religion divorced from morals Sacred prostitution Free love-
Marriage Adultery Divorce The position of 'woman
The relaxation of morals
This religion, with all its failings, probably helped to prod the common
Babylonian into some measure of decency and civic docility, else we
should be hard put to explain the generosity of the kings to the priests.
Apparently, however, it had no influence upon the morals of the upper
classes in the later centuries, for (in the eyes and words of her prejudiced
enemies) the "whore of Babylon" was a "sink of iniquity," and a scandal-
ous example of luxurious laxity to all the ancient world. Even Alexander,
who was not above dying of drinking, was shocked by the morals of
Babylon. 101
The most striking feature of Babylonian life, to an alien observer, was
the custom known to us chiefly from a famous page in Herodotus:
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA 245
Every native woman is obliged, once in her life, to sit in the tem-
ple of Venus, and have intercourse with some stranger. And many
disdaining to mix with the rest, being proud on account of their
wealth, come in covered carriages, and take up their station at the
temple with a numerous train of servants attending them. But the
far greater part do thus: many sit down in the temple of Venus,
wearing a crown of cord round their heads; some are continually
coming in, and others are going out. Passages marked out in a
straight line lead in every direction through the women, along which
strangers pass and make their choice. When a woman has once
seated herself she must not return home till some stranger has thrown
a piece of silver into her lap, and lain with her outside the temple.
He who throws the silver must say thus: "I beseech the goddess
Mylitta to favor thee"; for the Assyrians call Venus Mylitta.* The
silver may be ever so small, for she will not reject it, inasmuch as it
is not lawful for her to do so, for such silver is accounted sacred.
The woman follows the first man that throws, and refuses no one.
But when she has had intercourse and has absolved herself from her
obligation to the goddess, she returns home; and after that time,
however great a sum you may give her you will not gain possession
of her. Those that are endowed with beauty and symmetry of shape
are soon set free; but the deformed are detained a long time, from
inability to satisfy the law, for some wait for a space of three or
four years. 10 *
What was the origin of this strange rite? Was it a relic of ancient
sexual communism, a concession, by the future bridegroom, of the jus
prim<e noctis, or right of the first night, to the community as represented
by any casual and anonymous citizen? 108 Was it due to the bridegroom's
fear of harm from the violation of the tabu against shedding blood? 104 Was
it a physical preparation for marriage, such as is still practised among some
Australian tribes? 105 Or was it simply a sacrifice to the goddess an offer-
ing of first fruits? 10 * We do not know.
Such women, of course, were not prostitutes. But various classes of
prostitutes lived within the temple precincts, plied their trade there, and
amassed, some of them, great fortunes. Such temple prostitutes were
common in western Asia: we find them in Israel, 107 Phrygia, Phoenicia,
Syria, etc.; in Lydia and Cyprus the girls earned their marriage dowries
* "Assyrians" meant for the Greeks both Assyrians and Babylonians. "Mylitta" was one
of the forms of Ishtar
246 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IX
in this way. 10 " "Sacred prostitution" continued in Babylonia until abol-
ished by Constantine (ca. 325 A.D.) Alongside it, in the wine-shops
kept by women, secular prostitution flourished. 110
In general the Babylonians were allowed considerable premarital ex-
perience. It was considered permissible for men and women to form un-
licensed unions, "trial marriages," terminable at the will of either party;
but the woman in such cases was obliged to wear an olive in stone or
terra cottazs a sign that she was a concubine. m Some tablets indicate
that the Babylonians wrote poems, and sang songs, of love; but all that
remains of these is an occasional first line, like "My love is a light," or
"My heart is full of merriment and song." 1 " One letter, dating from 2100
B.C., is in the tone of Napoleon's early messages to Josephine: "To
Bibiya: . . . May Shamash and Marduk give thee health forever. ... I
have sent (to ask) after thy health; let me know how thou art. I have
arrived in Babylon, and see thee not; I am very sad." 118
Legal marriage was arranged by the parents, and was sanctioned by
an exchange of gifts obviously descended from marriage by purchase.
The suitor presented to the father of the bride a substantial present, but
the father was expected to give her a dowry greater in value than the
gift, 114 so that it was difficult to say who was purchasd, the woman or the
man. Sometimes, however, the arrangement was unabashed purchase;
Shamashnazir, for example, received ten shekels ($50) as the price of his
daughter. 11 * If we are to believe the Father of History,
those who had marriageable daughters used to bring them once a
year to a place where a great number of men gathered round them.
A public crier made them stand up and sold them all, one after an-
other. He began with the most beautiful, and having got a large sum
for her he put up the second fairest. But he only sold them on con-
dition that the buyers married them. . . . This very wise custom no
longer exists."*
Despite these strange practices, Babylonian marriage seems to have
been as monogamous and faithful as marriage in Christendom is today.
Premarital freedom was followed by the rigid enforcement of marital
fidelity. The adulterous wife and her paramour, according to the Code,
were drowned, unless the husband, in his mercy, preferred to let his wife
off by turning her almost naked into the streets. 117 Hammurabi out-
Caesared Csesar: "If the finger have been pointed at the wife of a man be-
CHAP. tt) BABYLONIA 247
cause of another man, and she have not been taken in lying with another
man, for her husband's sake she shall throw herself into the river" 110 per-
haps the law was intended as a discouragement to gossip. The man could
divorce his wife simply by restoring her dowry to her and saying, "Thou
art not my wife"; but if she said to him, "Thou art not my husband," she
was to be drowned."* Childlessness, adultery, incompatibility, or careless
management of the household might satisfy the law as ground for grant-
ing the man a divorce;" indeed "if she have not been a careful mistress,
have gadded about, have neglected her house, and have belittled her chil-
dren, they shall throw that woman into the water." m As against this in-
credible severity of the Code, we find that in practice the woman, though
she might not divorce her husband, was free to leave him, if she could
show cruelty on his part and fidelity on her own; in such cases she could
return to her parents, and take her marriage portion with her, along with
what other property she might have acquired. 1 " (The women of Eng-
land did not enjoy these rights till the end of the nineteenth century.)
If a woman's husband was kept from her, through business or war, for
any length of time, and had left no means for her maintenance, she might
cohabit with another man without legal prejudice to her reunion with
her husband on the latter's return. 1 **
In general the position of woman in Babylonia was lower than in
Egypt or Rome, and yet not worse than in classic Greece or medieval
Europe. To carry out her many functions begetting and rearing chil-
dren, fetching water from the river or the public well, grinding corn,
cooking, spinning, weaving, cleaning she had to be free to go about in
public very much like the man. 114 She could own property, enjoy its
income, sell and buy, inherit and bequeath. 1 * 6 Some women kept shops,
and carried on commerce; some even became scribes, indicating that girls
as well as boys might receive an education. 1 * 8 But the Semitic practice of
giving almost limitless power to the oldest male of the family won out
against any matriarchal tendencies that may have existed in prehistoric
Mesopotamia. Among the upper classes by a custom that led to the
purdah of Islam and India the women were confined to certain quarters
of the house; and when they went out they were chaperoned by eunuchs
and pages. 1 * 7 Among the lower classes they were maternity machines, and
if they had no dowry they were little more than slaves. 1 * The worship
of Ishtar suggests a certain reverence for woman and motherhood, like
the worship of Mary in the Middle Ages; but we get no glimpse of chiv-
248 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. EX
airy in Herodotus' report that the Babylonians, when besieged, "had
strangled their wives, to prevent the consumption of their provisions." 1 *
With some excuse, then, the Egyptians looked down upon the Baby-
lonians as not quite civilized. We miss here the refinement of character
and feeling indicated by Egyptian literature and art. When refinement
came to Babylon it was in the guise of an effeminate degeneracy: young
men dyed and curled their hair, perfumed their flesh, rouged their cheeks,
and adorned themselves with necklaces, bangles, ear-rings and pendants.
After the Persian Conquest the death of self-respect brought an end of
self-restraint; the manners of the courtesan crept into every class; women
of good family came to consider it mere courtesy to reveal their charms
indiscriminately for the greatest happiness of the greatest number; 1 * and
"every man of the people in his poverty," if we may credit Herodotus,
"prostituted his daughters for money." 181 "There is nothing more extraor-
dinary than the manners of this city," wrote Quintus Curtius (42 A.D.),
"and nowhere are things better arranged with a view to voluptuous pleas-
ures." 188 Morals grew lax when the temples grew rich; and the citizens of
Babylon, wedded to delight, bore with equanimity the subjection of their
city by the Kassites, the Assyrians, the Persians, and the Greeks.
VI. LETTERS AND LITERATURE
CuneiformIts decipherment Language Literature The epic
of Gilgamesh
Did this life of venery, piety and trade receive any ennobling enshrine-
ment in literary or artistic form? It is possible; we cannot judge a civiliza-
tion from such fragments as the ocean of time has thrown up from the
wreckage of Babylon. These fragments are chiefly liturgical, magical
and commercial. Whether through accident or through cultural poverty,
Babylonia, like Assyria and Persia, has left us a very middling heritage of
literature as compared with Egypt and Palestine; its gifts were in com-
merce and law.
Nevertheless, scribes were as numerous in cosmopolitan Babylon as in
Memphis or Thebes. The art of writing was still young enough to give
its master a high rank in society; it was the open sesame to govern-
mental and sacerdotal office; its possessor never failed to mention the
distinction in narrating his deeds, and usually he engraved a notice of it
on his cylinder seal, 1 * precisely as Christian scholars and gentlemen once
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA 249
listed their academic degrees on their cards. The Babylonians wrote in
cuneiform upon tablets of damp clay, with a stylus or pencil cut at the
end into a triangular prism or wedge; when the tablets were filled they
dried and baked them into strange but durable manuscripts of brick. If
the thing written was a letter it was dusted with powder and then
wrapped in a clay envelope stamped with the sender's cylinder seal.
Tablets in jars classified and arranged on shelves filled numerous libraries
in the temples and palaces of Babylonia. These Babylonian libraries are
lost; but one of the greatest of them, that of Borsippa, was copied and
preserved in the library of Ashurbanipal, whose 30,000 tablets are the
main source of our knowledge of Babylonian life.
The decipherment of Babylonian baffled students for centuries; their final
success is an honorable chapter in the history of scholarship. In 1802 Georg
Grotefend, professor of Greek at the University of Gottingen, told the
Gottingen Academy how for years he had puzzled over certain cuneiform
inscriptions from ancient Persia; how at last he had identified eight of the
forty-two characters used, and had made out the names of three kings in
the inscriptions. There, for the most part, the matter rested until 1835, when
Henry Rawlinson, a British diplomatic officer stationed in Persia, quite un-
aware of Grotcfend's work, likewise worked out the names of Hystaspes,
Darius and Xerxes in an inscription couched in Old Persian, a cuneiform de-
rivative of Babylonian script; and through these names he finally deciphered
the entire document. This, however, was not Babylonian; Rawlinson had still
to find, like Champollion, a Rosetta Stone in this case some inscription bear-
ing the same text in old Persian and Babylonian. He found it three hundred
feet high on an almost inaccessible rock at Behistun, in the mountains of
Media, where Darius I had caused his carvers to engrave a record of his wars
and victories in three languages old Persian, Assyrian, and Babylonian. Day
after day Rawlinson risked himself on these rocks, often suspending himself
by a rope, copying every character carefully, even making plastic impressions
of all the engraved surfaces. After twelve years of work he succeeded in
translating both the Babylonian and the Assyrian texts (1847). To test these
and similar findings, the Royal Asiatic Society sent an unpublished cuneiform
document to four Assyriologists, and asked them working without contact or
communication with one another to make independent translations. The four
reports were found to be in almost complete agreement. Through these un-
heralded campaigns of scholarship the perspective of history was enriched
with a new civilization. 13 *
The Babylonian language was a Semitic development of the old tongues
of Sumeria and Akkad. It was written in characters originally Sumerian, but
250 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
the vocabulary diverged in time (like French from Latin) into a language so
different from Sumerian that the Babylonians had to compose dictionaries and
grammars to transmit the old "classic" and sacerdotal tongue of Sumeria to
young scholars and priests. Almost a fourth of the tablets found in the royal
library at Nineveh is devoted to dictionaries and grammars of the Sumerian,
Babylonian and Assyrian languages. According to tradition, such dictionaries
had been made as far back as Sargon of Akkad so old is scholarship. In
Babylonian, as in Sumerian, the characters represented not letters but sylla-
bles; Babylon never achieved an alphabet of its own, but remained content
with a "syllabary" of some three hundred signs. The memorizing of these
syllabic symbols formed, with mathematics and religious instruction, the cur-
riculum of the temple schools in which the priests imparted to the young as
much as it was expedient for them to know. One excavation unearthed an
ancient classroom in which the clay tablets of boys and girls who had
copied virtuous maxims upon them some two thousand years before Christ
still lay on the floor, as if some almost welcome disaster had suddenly inter-
rupted the lesson. 1 *
The Babylonians, like the Phoenicians, looked upon letters as a device for
facilitating business; they did not spend much of their clay upon literature.
We find animal fables in verse one generation of an endless dynasty; hymns
in strict meter, sharply divided lines and elaborate stanzas; 136 very little sur-
viving secular verse; religious rituals presaging, but never becoming, drama;
and tons of historiography. Official chroniclers recorded the piety and con-
quests of the kings, the vicissitudes of each temple, and the important events
in the career of each city. Berosus, the most famous of Babylonian historians
(ca. 280 B.C.) narrated with confidence full details concerning the creation
of the world and the early history of man: the first king of Babylonia had
been chosen by a god, and had reigned 36,000 years; from the beginning of
the world to the great Flood, said Berosus, with praiseworthy exactitude
and comparative moderation, there had elapsed 691,200 years." 7
Twelve broken tablets found in Ashurbanipal's library, and now in the
British Museum, form the most fascinating relic of Mesopotamian litera-
turethe Epic of Gilgamesh. Like the Iliad it is an accretion of loosely
connected stories, some of which go back to Sumeria 3000 B.C.; part of it
is the Babylonian account of the Flood. Gilgamesh was a legendary ruler
of Uruk or Erech, a descendant of the Shamash-napishtim who had sur-
vived the Deluge, and had never died. Gilgamesh enters upon the scene
as a sort of Adonis-Samson tall, massive, heroically powerful and troub-
lesomely handsome.
CHAP. IX ) BABYLONIA 25 1
Two thirds of him is god,
One third of him is man,
There's none can match the form of his body. . . .
All things he saw, even to the ends of the earth,
He underwent all, learned to know all;
He peered through all secrets,
Through wisdom's mantle that veileth all.
What was hidden he saw,
What was covered he undid;
Of times before the stormflood he brought report.
He went on a long far way,
Giving himself toil and distress;
Wrote then on a stone tablet the whole of his labor. 1 *
Fathers complain to Ishtar that he leads their sons out to exhausting
toil "building the walls through the day, through the night"; and hus-
bands complain that "he leaves not a wife to her master, not a single virgin
to her mother." Ishtar begs Gilgamesh's godmother, Aruru, to create
another son equal to Gilgamesh and able to keep him busy in conflict, so
that the husbands of Uruk may have peace. Aruru kneads a bit of clay,
spits upon it, and moulds from it the satyr Engidu, a man with the
strength of a boar, the mane of a lion, and the speed of a bird. Engidu
does not care for the society of men, but turns and lives with the animals;
"he browses with the gazelles, he sports with the creatures of the water,
he quenches his thirst with the beasts of the field." A hunter tries to
capture him with nets and traps, but fails; and going to Gilgamesh, the
hunter begs for the loan of a priestess who may snare Engidu with love.
"Go, my hunter," says Gilgamesh, "take a priestess; when the beasts
come to the watering-place let her display her beauty; he will see her, and
his beasts that troop around him will be scattered."
The hunter and the priestess go forth, and find Engidu.
"There he is, woman!
Loosen thy buckle,
Unveil thy delight,
That he may take his fill of thee!
Hang not back, take up his lust!
When he sees thee, he will draw near.
Open thy robe that he rest upon thee!
252 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IX
Arouse in him rapture, the work of woman.
Then will he become a stranger to his wild beasts,
Who on his own steppes grew up with him.
His bosom will press against thee."
Then the priestess loosened her buckle,
Unveiled her delight,
For him to take his fill of her.
She hung not back, she took up his lust,
She opened her robe that he rest upon her.
She aroused in him rapture, the work of woman.
His bosom pressed against her.
Engidu forgot where he was born. 1 "
For six days but seven nights Engidu remains with the sacred woman.
When he tires of pleasure he awakes to find his friends the animals
gone, whereupon he swoons with sorrow. But the priestess chides him:
"Thou who art superb as a god, why dost thou live among the beasts of
the field? Come, I will conduct thee to Uruk, where is Gilgamesh, whose
might is supreme." Ensnared by the vanity of praise and the conceit of
his strength, Engidu follows the priestess to Uruk, saying, "Lead me to
the place where is Gilgamesh. I will fight with him and manifest to him
my power"; whereat the gods and husbands are well pleased. But Gilga-
mesh overcomes him, first with strength, then with kindness; they become
devoted friends; they march forth together to protect Uruk from Elam;
they return glorious with exploits and victory. Gilgamesh "put aside
his war-harness, he put on his white garments, he adorned himself with
the royal insignia, and bound on the diadem." Thereupon Ishtar the in-
satiate falls in love with him, raises her great eyes to him, and says:
"Come, Gilgamesh, be my husband, thou! Thy love, give it to me
as a gift; thou shalt be my spouse, and I shall be thy wife. I shall
place thee in a chariot of lapis and gold, with golden wheels and
mountings of onyx; thou shalt be drawn in it by great lions, and
thou shalt enter our house with the odorous incense of cedar-wood.
... All the country by the sea shall embrace thy feet, kings shall
bow down before thee, the gifts of the mountains and the plains
they will bring before thee as tribute."
Gilgamesh rejects her, and reminds her of the hard fate she has inflicted
upon her varied lovers, including Tammuz, a hawk, a stallion, a gardener
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA 253
and a lion. "Thou lovest me now/' he tells her; "afterwards thou wilt
strike me as thou didst these." The angry Ishtar asks of the great god
Aim that he create a wild urus to kill GUgamesh. Ami refuses, and re-
bukes her: "Canst thou not remain quiet now that Gilgamesh has enu-
merated to thee thy unfaithfulness and ignominies?" She threatens that
unless he grants her request she will suspend throughout the universe all
the impulses of desire and love, and so destroy every living thing. Anu
yields, and creates the ferocious urus; but Gilgamesh, helped by Engidu,
overcomes the beast; and when Ishtar curses the hero, Engidu throws a
limb of the urus into her face. Gilgamesh rejoices and is proud, but
Ishtar strikes him down in the midst of his glory by afflicting Engidu with
a mortal illness.
Mourning over the corpse of his friend, whom he has loved more than
any woman, Gilgamesh wonders over the mystery of death. Is there no
escape from that dull fatality? One man eluded it Shamash-napish-
tim; he would know the secret of deathlessness. Gilgamesh resolves to
seek Shamash-napishtim, even if he must cross the world to find him. The
way leads through a mountain guarded by a pair of giants whose heads
touch the sky and whose breasts reach down to Hades. But they let
him pass, and he picks his way for twelve miles through a dark tunnel.
He emerges upon the shore of a great ocean, and sees, far over the waters,
the throne of Sabitu, virgin-goddess of the seas. He calls out to her to
help him cross the water; "if it cannot be done, I will lay me down on the
land and die." Sabitu takes pity upon him, and allows him to cross
through forty days of tempest to the Happy Island where lives Shamash-
napishtim, possessor of immortal life. Gilgamesh begs of him the secret
of deathlessness. Shamash-napishtim answers by telling at length the story
of the Flood, and how the gods, relenting of their mad destructiveness,
had made him and his wife immortal because they had preserved the
human species. He offers Gilgamesh a plant whose fruit will confer re-
newed youth upon him who eats it; and Gilgamesh, happy, starts back
on his long journey home. But on the way he stops to bathe, and while
he bathes a serpent crawls by and steals the plant.*
Desolate, Gilgamesh reaches Uruk. He prays in temple after temple
that Engidu may be allowed to return to life, if only to speak to him for
a moment. Engidu appears, and Gilgamesh inquires of him the state of
* The snake was worshiped by many early peoples as a symbol of immortality, because
of its apparent power to escape death by moulting its skin.
254 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. DC
the dead. Engidu answers, "I cannot tell it thee; if I were to open the
earth before thee, if I were to tell thee that which I have seen, terror
would overthrow thee, thou wouldst faint away." Gilgamesh, symbol of
that brave stupidity, philosophy, persists in his quest for truth: "Terror
will overthrow me, I shall faint away, but tell it to me." Engidu de-
scribes the miseries of Hades, and on this gloomy note the fragmentary
epic ends."
VII. ARTISTS
The lesser arts MusicPainting Sculpture Bas-relief
Architecture
The story of Gilgamesh is almost the only example by which we may
judge the literary art of Babylon. That a keen esthetic sense, if not a
profound creative spirit, survived to some degree the Babylonian absorp-
tion in commercial life, epicurean recreation and compensatory piety,
may be seen in the chance relics of the minor arts. Patiently glazed tiles,
glittering stones, finely wrought bronze, iron, silver and gold, delicate
embroideries, soft rugs and richly dyed robes, luxurious tapestries, pedes-
taled tables, beds and chairs 141 these lent grace, if not dignity or final
worth, to Babylonian civilization. Jewelry abounded in quantity, but
missed the subtle artistry of Egypt; it went in for a display of yellow
metal, and thought it artistic to make entire statues of gold. 1 " There were
many musical instruments flutes, psalteries, harps, bagpipes, lyres, drums,
horns, reed-pipes, trumpets, cymbals and tambourines. Orchestras played
and singers sang, individually and chorally, in temples and palaces, and
at the feasts of the well-to-do. 1 "
Painting was purely subsidiary; it decorated walls and statuary, but made
no attempt to become an independent art. 144 We do not find among Baby-
lonian ruins the distemper paintings that glorified the Egyptian tombs, or such
frescoes as adorned the palaces of Crete. Babylonian sculpture remained
similarly undeveloped, and was apparently stiffened into an early death by
conventions derived from Sumeria and enforced by the priests: all the faces
portrayed are one face, all the kings have the same thick and muscular frame,
all the captives are cast in one mould. Very little Babylonian statuary sur-
vives, and that without excuse. The bas-reliefs are better, but they too are
stereotyped and crude; a great gulf separates them from the mobile vigor of
the reliefs that the Egyptians had carved a thousand years before; they
CHAP. IX ) BABYLONIA 255
reach sublimity only when they depict animals possessed of the silent dignity
of nature, or enraged by the cruelty of men. ltt
Babylonian architecture is safe from judgment now, for hardly any of its
remains rise to more than a few feet above the sands; and there are no carved
or painted representations among the relics to show us clearly the form and
structure of palaces and temples. Houses were built of dried mud, or, among
the rich, of brick; they seldom knew windows, and their doors opened not
upon the narrow street but upon an interior court shaded from the sun.
Tradition describes the better dwellings as rising to three or four stories in
height. 148 The temple was raised upon foundations level with the roofs of the
houses whose life it was to dominate; usually it was an enormous square of
tiled masonry, built, like the houses, around a court; in this court most of
the religious ceremonies were performed. Near the temple, in most cases,
rose a ziggurat (literally u a high place") a tower of superimposed and dimin-
ishing cubical stories surrounded by external stairs. Its uses were partly reli-
gious, as a lofty shrine for the god, partly astronomic, as an observatory
from which the priests could watch the all-revealing stars. The great ziggurat
at Borsippa was called "The Stages of the Seven Spheres"; each story was
dedicated to one of the seven planets known to Babylonia, and bore a sym-
bolic color. The lowest was black, as the color of Saturn; the next above it
was white, as the color of Venus; the next was purple, for Jupiter; the fourth
blue, for Mercury; the fifth scarlet, for Mars; the sixth silver, for the moon;
the seventh gold, for the sun. These spheres and stars, beginning at the top,
designated the days of the week. 147
There was not much art in this architecture, so far as we can vision
it now; it was a mass of straight lines seeking the glory of size. Here and
there among the ruins are vaults and arches forms derived from Sumeria,
negligently used, and unconscious of their destiny. Decoration, interior and
exterior, was almost confined to enameling some of the brick surfaces with
bright glazes of yellow, blue, white and red, with occasional tiled figures of
animals or plants. The use of vitrified glaze, not merely to beautify, but to
protect the masonry from sun and rain, was at least as old as Naram-sin, and
was to continue in Mesopotamia down to Moslem days. In this way ceram-
ics, though seldom producing rememberable pottery, became the most
characteristic art of the ancient Near East. Despite such aid, Babylonian
architecture remained a heavy and prosaic thing, condemned to mediocrity
by the material it used. The temples rose rapidly out of the earth which
slave labor turned so readily into brick and cementing pitch; they did not
require centuries for their erection, like the monumental structures of Egypt
or medieval Europe. But they decayed almost as quickly as they rose; fifty
years of neglect reduced them to the dust from which they had been made. 148
256 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IX
The very cheapness of brick corrupted Babylonian design; with such mate-
rials it was easy to achieve size, difficult to compass beauty. Brick does not
lend itself to sublimity, and sublimity is the soul of architecture.
VIII. BABYLONIAN SCIENCE
Mathematics Astronomy The calendar Geography Medicine
Being merchants, the Babylonians were more likely to achieve successes
in science than in art. Commerce created mathematics, and united with
religion to beget astronomy. In their varied functions as judges, adminis-
trators, agricultural and industrial magnates, and soothsayers skilled in
examining entrails and stars, the priests of Mesopotamia unconsciously
laid the foundations of those sciences which, in the profane hands of the
Greeks, were for a time to depose religion from its leadership of the
world.
Babylonian mathematics rested on a division of the circle into 360
degrees, and of the year into 360 days; on this basis it developed a
sexagesimal system of calculation by sixties, which became the parent of
later duodecimal systems of reckoning by twelves. The numeration
used only three figures: a sign for i, repeated up to 9; a sign for 10, re-
peated up to 50; and a sign for 100. Computation was made easier by
tables which showed not only multiplication and division, but the halves,
quarters, thirds, squares and cubes of the basic numbers. Geometry ad-
vanced to the measurement of complex and irregular areas. The Baby-
lonian figure for * (the ratio of the circumference to the diameter of a
circle) was 33 very crude approximation for a nation of astronomers.
Astronomy was the special science of the Babylonians, for which they
were famous throughout the ancient world. Here again magic was the
mother of science: the Babylonians studied the stars not so much to chart
the courses of caravans and ships, as to divine the future fates of men;
they were astrologers first and astronomers afterward. Every planet was
a god, interested and vital in the affairs of men: Jupiter was Marduk,
Mercury was Nabu, Mars was Nergal, the sun was Shamash, the moon
was Sin, Saturn was Ninib, Venus was Ishtar. Every movement of every
star determined, or forecast, some terrestrial event: if, for example, the
moon was low, a distant nation would submit to the king; if the moon was
in crescent the king would overcome the enemy. Such efforts to wring
the future out of the stars became a passion with the Babylonians; priests
CHAP. DC) BABYLONIA 257
skilled in astrology reaped rich rewards from both people and king. Some
of them were sincere students, poring zealously over astrologic tomes
which, according to their traditions, had been composed in the days of
Sargon of Akkad; they complained of the quacks who, without such
study, went about reading horoscopes for a fee, or predicting the weather
a year ahead, in the fashion of our modern almanacs. 1 **
Astronomy developed slowly out of this astrologic observation and
charting of the stars. As far back as 2000 B.C. the Babylonians had made
accurate records of the heliacal rising and setting of the planet Venus;
they had fixed the position of various stars, and were slowly mapping the
sky." The Kassite conquest interrupted this development for a thou-
sand years. Then, under Nebuchadrezzar, astronomic progress was re-
sumed; the priest-scientists plotted the orbits of sun and moon, noted their
conjunctions and eclipses, calculated the courses of the planets, and made
the first clear distinction between a planet and a star;*" 1 they determined
the dates of winter and summer solstices, of vernal and autumnal
equinoxes, and, following the lead of the Sumerians, divided the ecliptic
(i.e., the path of the earth around the sun) into the twelve signs of the
Zodiac. Having divided the circle into 360 degrees, they divided the
degree into sixty minutes, and the minute into sixty seconds. 108 They
measured time by a clepsydra or water-clock, and a sun-dial, and these
seem to have been not merely developed but invented by them. 1
They divided the year into twelve lunar months, six having thirty days,
six twenty-nine; and as this made but 354 days in all, they added a thir-
teenth month occasionally to harmonize the calendar with the seasons.
The month was divided into four weeks according to the four phases of
the moon. An attempt was made to establish a more convenient calendar
by dividing the month into six weeks of five days; but the phases of the
moon proved more effective than the conveniences of men. The day was
reckoned not from midnight to midnight but from one rising of the
moon to the next; 1 * 4 it was divided into twelve hours, and each of these
hours was divided into thirty minutes, so that the Babylonian minute had
the feminine quality of being four times as long as its name might suggest.
The division of our month into four weeks, of our clock into twelve
hours (instead of twenty-four), of our hour into sixty minutes, and of
* To the Babylonians a planet was distinguished from the "fixed" stars by its observable
motion or "wandering." In modern astronomy a planet is defined as a heavenly body
regularly revolving about the sun.
258 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
our minute into sixty seconds, are unsuspected Babylonian vestiges in our
contemporary world.*
The dependence of Babylonian science upon religion had a more
stagnant effect in medicine than in astronomy. It was not so much the ob-
scurantism of the priests that held the science back, as the superstition of
the people. Already by the time of Hammurabi the art of healing had
separated itself in some measure from the domain and domination of the
clergy; a regular profession of physician had been established, with fees
and penalties fixed by law. A patient who called in a doctor could know
in advance just how much he would have to pay for such treatment or
operation; and if he belonged to the poorer classes the fee was lowered
accordingly. 107 If the doctor bungled badly he had to pay damages to the
patient; in extreme cases, as we have seen, his fingers were cut off so that
he might not readily experiment again. 1 "
But this almost secularized science found itself helpless before the de-
mand of the people for supernatural diagnosis and magical cures. Sorcer-
ers and necromancers were more popular than physicians, and enforced,
by their influence with the populace, irrational methods of treatment.
Disease was possession, and was due to sin; therefore it had to be treated
mainly by incantations, magic and prayer; when drugs were used they
were aimed not to cleanse the patient but to terrify and exorcise the
demon. The favorite drug was a mixture deliberately compounded of dis-
gusting elements, apparently on the theory that the sick man had a
stronger stomach than the demon that possessed him; the usual ingredi-
ents were raw meat, snake-flesh and wood-shavings mixed with wine and
oil; or rotten food, crushed bones, fat and dirt, mingled with animal or
human urine or excrement. 1 ** Occasionally this Dreckapothek was re-
placed by an effort to appease the demon with milk, honey, cream, and
sweet-smelling herbs. 100 If all treatment failed, the patient was in some
cases carried into the market-place, so that his neighbors might indulge
their ancient propensity for prescribing infallible cures. 181
Perhaps the eight hundred medical tablets that survive to inform us
* From charting the skies the Babylonians turned to mapping the earth. The oldest
maps of which we have any knowledge were those which the priests prepared of the
roads and cities of Nebuchadrezzar's empire. 1 * 5 A clay tablet found in the ruins of Gasur
(two hundred miles north of Babylon), and dated back to 1600 B.C., contains, in a space
hardly an inch square, a map of the province of Shat-Azalla; it represents mountains by
rounded lines, water by tilting lines, rivers by parallel lines; the names of various town?
are inscribed, and the direction of north and south is indicated in the margin. 16 *
CHAP. IX ) BABYLONIA 259
of Babylonian medicine do it injustice. Reconstruction of the whole
from a part is hazardous in history, and the writing of history is the re-
construction of the whole from a part. Quite possibly these magical
cures were merely subtle uses of the power of suggestion; perhaps those
evil concoctions were intended as emetics; and the Babylonian may have
meant nothing more irrational by his theory of illness as due to invading
demons and the patient's sins than we do by interpreting it as due to
invading bacteria invited by culpable negligence, uncleanliness, or greed.
We must not be too sure of the ignorance of our ancestors.
IX. PHILOSOPHERS
Religion and Philosophy The Babylonian Job The Babylonian
KohelethAn anti-clerical
A. nation is born stoic, and dies epicurean. At its cradle (to repeat a
thoughtful adage) religion stands, and philosophy accompanies it to the
grave. In the beginning of all cultures a strong religious faith conceals and
softens the nature of things, and gives men courage to bear pain and hard-
ship patiently; at every step the gods are with them, and will not let them
perish, until they do. Even then a firm faith will explain that it was the
sins of the people that turned their gods to an avenging wrath; evil
does not destroy faith, but strengthens it. If victory comes, if war is for-
gotten in security and peace, then wealth grows; the life of the body gives
way, in the dominant classes, to the life of the senses and the mind; toil
and suffering are replaced by pleasure and ease; science weakens faith even
while thought and comfort weaken virility and fortitude. At last men
begin to doubt the gods; they mourn the tragedy of knowledge, and seek
refuge in every passing delight. Achilles is at the beginning, Epicurus at
the end. After David comes Job, and after Job, Ecclcsiastes.
Since we know the thought of Babylon mostly from the later reigns,
it is natural that we should find it shot through with the weary wisdom
of tired philosophers who took their pleasures like Englishmen. On one
tablet Balta-atrua complains that though he has obeyed the commands of
the gods more strictly than any one else, he has been laid low with a
variety of misfortunes; he has lost his parents and his property, and even
the little that remained to him has been stolen on the highway. His
friends, like Job's, reply that his disaster must be in punishment of some
secret sin perhaps that hybris, or insolent pride of prosperity, which
260 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
particularly arouses the jealous anger of the gods. They assure him that
evil is merely good in disguise, some part of the divine plan seen too
narrowly by frail minds unconscious of the whole. Let Balta-atrua keep
faith and courage, and he will be rewarded in the end; better still, his
enemies will be punished. Balta-atrua calls out to the gods for help
and the fragment suddenly ends. 188
Another poem, found among the ruins of Ashurbanipal's collection of
Babylonian literature, presents the same problem more definitely in the
person of Tabi-utul-Enlil, who appears to have been a ruler in Nippur.
He describes his difficulties:*
(My eyeballs he obscured, bolting them as with) a lock;
(My cars he bolted), like those of a deaf person.
A king, I have been changed into a slave;
As a madman (my) companions maltreat me.
Send me help from the pit dug (for me)! . . .
By day deep sighs, at night weeping;
The month cries; the year distress. . . .
He goes on to tell what a pious fellow he has always been, the very last
man in the world who should have met with so cruel a fate:
As though I had not always set aside the portion for the god,
And had not invoked the goddess at the meal,
Had not bowed my face and brought my tribute;
As though I were one in whose mouth supplication and prayer were
not constant! . . .
I taught my country to guard the name of the god;
To honor the name of the goddess I accustomed my people. . . .
I thought that such things were pleasing to a god.
Stricken with disease despite all this formal piety, he muses on the
impossibility of understanding the gods, and on the uncertainty of human
affairs.
Who is there that can grasp the will of the gods in heaven?
The plan of a god full of mystery who can understand it? ...
He who was alive yesterday is dead today;
In an instant he is cast into grief; of a sudden he is crushed.
* Parenthetical passages are guesse*
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA l6l
For a moment he sings and plays;
In a twinkling he wails like a mourner. . . .
Like a net trouble has covered me.
My eyes look but see not;
My ears are open but they hear not. . . .
Pollution has fallen upon my genitals,
And it has assailed the glands in my bowels. . . .
With death grows dark my whole body. . . .
All day the pursuer pursues me;
During the night he gives me no breath for a moment. . . .
My limbs are dismembered, they march out of unison.
In my dung I pass the night like an ox;
Like a sheep I mix in my excrements. . . .
Like Job, he makes another act of faith:
But I know the day of the cessation of my tears,
A day of the grace of the protecting spirits; then divinity will be
merciful. 1 "
In the end everything turns out happily. A spirit appears, and cures all
of Tabi's ailments; a mighty storm drives all the demons of disease out
of his frame. He praises Marduk, offers rich sacrifice, and calls upon
every one never to despair of the gods.*
As there is but a step from this to the Book of Job, so we find in late
Babylonian literature unmistakable premonitions of Ecclesiastes. In the
Epic of Gilgamesh the goddess Sabitu advises the hero to give up his
longing for a life after death, and to eat, drink and be merry on the
earth.
O Gilgamesh, why dost thou run in all directions?
The life that thou seekest thou wilt not find.
When the gods created mankind they determined death for mankind;
Life they kept in their own hands.
Thou, O Gilgamesh, fill thy belly;
Day and night be thou merry; . . .
Day and night be joyous and content!
Let thy garments be pure,
* It is probable that this composition, prototypes of which are found in Sumeria, influ-
enced the author of the Book of Job.
262 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. IX
Thy head be washed; wash thyself with water!
Regard the little one who takes hold of thy hand;
Enjoy the wife in thy bosom. 1 "*
In another tablet we hear a bitterer note, culminating in atheism and
blasphemy. Gubarru, a Babylonian Alcibiades, interrogates an elder
sceptically:
O very wise one, O possessor of intelligence, let thy heart groan!
The heart of God is as far as the inner parts of the heavens.
Wisdom is hard, and men do not understand it.
To which the old man answers with a forboding of Amos and Isaiah:
Give attention, my friend, and understand my thought.
Men exalt the work of the great man who is skilled in murder.
They disparage the poor man who has done no sin.
They justify the wicked man, whose fault is grave.
They drive away the just man who seeks the will of God.
They let the strong take the food of the poor;
They strengthen the mighty;
They destroy the weak man, the rich man drives him away.
He advises Gubarru to do the will of the gods none the less. But Gubarru
will have nothing to do with gods or priests who are always on the side
of the biggest fortunes:
They have offered lies and untruth without ceasing.
They say in noble words what is in favor of the rich man.
Is his wealth diminished? They come to his help.
They ill-treat the weak man like a thief,
They destroy him in a tremor, they extinguish him like a flame. 16 *
We must not exaggerate the prevalence of such moods in Babylon;
doubtless the people listened lovingly to their priests, and crowded the
temples to seek favors of the gods. The marvel is that they were so long
* Cf. Ecclesiastes, ix, 7-9: "Go thy way, cat thy bread with joy, and drink thy wine
with a merry heart; for God now accepteth thy works. Let thy garments be always
white; and let thy head lack no ointment. Live joyfully with the wife whom thou lovest,
all the days of the life of thy vanity."
CHAP. IX) BABYLONIA 263
loyal to a religion that offered them so little consolation. Nothing could
be known, said the priests, except by divine revelation; and this revela-
tion came only through the priests. The last chapter of that revelation
told how the dead soul, whether good or bad, descended into Aralu, or
Hades, to spend there an eternity in darkness and suffering. Is it any
wonder that Babylon gave itself to revelry, while Nebuchadrezzar, having
all, understanding nothing, fearing everything, went mad?
x. EPITAPH
Tradition and the Book of Daniel, unverified by any document known
to us, tell how Nebuchadrezzar, after a long reign of uninterrupted vic-
tory and prosperity, after beautifying his city with roads and palaces,
and erecting fifty-four temples to the gods, fell into a strange insanity,
thought himself a beast, walked on all fours, and ate grass. 1 * 7 For four
years his name disappears from the history and governmental records of
Babylonia; 188 it reappears for a moment, and then, in 562 B.C., he passes
away.
Within thirty years after his death his empire crumbled to pieces.
Nabonidus, who held the throne for seventeen years, preferred archeology
to government, and devoted himself to excavating the antiquities of
Sumeria while his own realm was going to ruin. 108 The army fell into
disorder; business men forgot love of country in the sublime internation-
alism of finance; the people, busy with trade and pleasure, unlearned the
arts of war. The priests usurped more and more of the royal power, and
fattened their treasuries with wealth that tempted invasion and conquest.
When Cyrus and his disciplined Persians stood at the gates, the anti-
clericals of Babylon connived to open the city to him, and welcomed his
enlightened domination. 170 For two centuries Persia ruled Babylonia as
part of the greatest empire that history had yet known. Then the exub-
erant Alexander came, captured the unresisting capital, conquered all the
Near East, and drank himself to death in the palace of Nebuchadrezzar. 171
The civilization of Babylonia was not as fruitful for humanity as
Egypt's, not as varied and profound as India's, not as subtle and mature
as China's. And yet 'it was from Babylonia that those fascinating legends
came which, through the literary artistry of the Jews, became an insep-
arable portion of Europe's religious lore; it was from Babylonia, rather
than from Egypt, that the roving Greeks brought to their city-stateSj
264 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. IX
and thence to Rome and ourselves, the foundations of mathematics,
astronomy, medicine, grammar, lexicography, archeology, history, and
philosophy. The Greek names for the metals and the constellations, for
weights and measures, for musical instruments and many drugs, are trans-
lations, sometimes mere transliterations, of Babylonian names. 172 While
Greek architecture derived its forms and inspiration from Egypt and
Crete, Babylonian architecture, through the ziggurat, led to the towers
of Moslem mosques, the steeples and campaniles of medieval art, and the
"setback" style of contemporary architecture in America. The laws of
Hammurabi became for all ancient societies a legacy comparable to
Rome's gift of order and government to the modern world. Through
Assyria's conquest of Babylon, her appropriation of the ancient city's
culture, and her dissemination of that culture throughout her wide em-
pire; through the long Captivity of the Jews, and the great influence upon
them of Babylonian life and thought; through the Persian and Greek con-
quests, which opened with unprecedented fulness and freedom all the
roads of communication and trade between Babylon and the rising cities
of Ionia, Asia Minor and Greece through these and many other ways
the civilization of the Land between the Rivers passed down into the
cultural endowment of our race. In the end nothing is lost; for good or
evil every event has effects forever.
CHAPTER X
Assyria
I. CHRONICLES
Beginnings Cities Race The conquerors Sennacherib and
Esarhaddon "Sardanapalus"
MEANWHILE, three hundred miles north of Babylon, another
civilization had appeared. Forced to maintain a hard military life
by the mountain tribes always threatening it on every side, it had in time
overcome its assailants, had conquered its parent cities in Elam, Sumeria,
Akkad and Babylonia, had mastered Phoenicia and Egypt, and had for
two centuries dominated the Near East with brutal power. Sumeria was
to Babylonia, and Babylonia to Assyria, what Crete was to Greece, and
Greece to Rome: the first created a civilization, the second developed it to
its height, the third inherited it, added little to it, protected it, and trans-
mitted it as a dying gift to the encompassing and victorious barbarians.
For barbarism is always around civilization, amid it and beneath it, ready
to engulf it by arms, or mass migration, or unchecked fertility. Barbar-
ism is like the jungle; it never admits its defeat; it waits patiently for cen-
turies to recover the territory it has lost.
The new state grew about four cities fed by the waters or tributaries
of the Tigris: Ashur, which is now Kala'at-Sherghat; Arbela, which is
Irbil; Kalakh, which is Nimrud; and Nineveh, which is Kuyunjik just
across the river from oily Mosul. At Ashur prehistoric obsidian flakes and
knives have been found, and black pottery with geometric patterns that
suggest a central Asian origin; 1 at Tepe Gawra, near the site of Nineveh,
a recent expedition unearthed a town which its proud discoverers date
back to 3700 B.C., despite its many temples and tombs, its well-carved
cylinder seals, its combs and jewelry, and the oldest dice known to his-
tory 1 a thought for reformers. The god Ashur gave his name to a city
(and finally to all Assyria); there the earliest of the nation's kings had
their residence, until its exposure to the heat of the desert and the attacks
of the neighboring Babylonians led Ashur's rulers to build a secondary
265
266 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. X
capital in cooler Ninevehnamed also after a god, Nina, the Ishtar of
Assyria. Here, in the heyday of Ashurbanipal, 300,000 people lived, and
all the western Orient came to pay tribute to the Universal King.
The population was a mixture of Semites from the civilized south (Baby-
lonia and Akkadia) with non-Semitic tribes from the west (probably of
Hittite or Mitannian affinity) and Kurdish mountaineers from the Caucasus.*
They took their common language and their arts from Sumeria, but modified
them later into an almost undistinguishable similarity to the language and arts
of Babylonia/ Their circumstances, however, forbade them to indulge in
the effeminate ease of Babylon; from beginning to end they were a race of
warriors, mighty in muscle and courage, abounding in proud hair and beard,
standing straight, stern and stolid on their monuments, and bestriding with
tremendous feet the east-Mediterranean world. Their history is one of kings
and slaves, wars and conquests, bloody victories and sudden defeat. The early
kings once mere patens tributary to the south took advantage of the
Kassite domination of Babylonia to establish their independence; and soon
enough one of them decked himself with that title which all the monarchs
of Assyria were to display: "King of Universal Reign." Out of the dull
dynasties of these forgotten potentates certain figures emerge whose deeds
illuminate the development of their country.*
While Babylonia was still in the darkness of the Kassite era, Shalmaneser
I brought the little city-states of the north under one rule, and made Kalakh
his capital. But the first great name in Assyrian history is Tiglath-Pileser I.
He was a mighty hunter before the Lord: if it is wise to believe monarchs,
he slew 120 lions on foot, and 800 from his chariot. 6 One of his inscriptions
written by a scribe more royalist than the King tells how he hunted nations
as well as animals: "In my fierce valor I marched against the people of
Qummuh, conquered their cities, carried off their booty, their goods and
their property without reckoning, and burned their cities with fire destroyed
and devastated them. . . . The people of Adansh left their mountains and
embraced my feet. I imposed taxes upon them." 6 In every direction he led
his armies, conquering the Hittites, the Armenians, and forty other nations,
capturing Babylon, and frightening Egypt into sending him anxious gifts.
(He was particularly mollified by a crocodile.) With the proceeds of his con-
quests he built temples to the Assyrian gods and goddesses, who, like anxious
*A tablet recently found in the ruins of Sargon IFs library at Khorsabad contains an
unbroken list of Assyrian kings from the twenty-third century EJC. to Ashurnirari
(753-46 B.C.)*
CHAP. X) ASSYRIA 267
debutantes, asked no questions about the source of his wealth. Then Babylon
revolted, defeated his armies, pillaged his temples, and carried his gods into
Babylonian captivity. Tiglath-Pileser died of shame. 7
His reign was a symbol and summary of all Assyrian history: death and
taxes, first for Assyria's neighbors, then for herself. Ashurnasirpal II con-
quered a dozen petty states, brought much booty home from the wars, cut
out with his own hand the eyes of princely captives, enjoyed his harem, and
passed respectably away. 8 Shalmaneser III carried these conquests as far as
Damascus; fought costly battles, killing 16,000 Syrians in one engagement;
built temples, levied tribute, and was deposed by his son in a violent revolu-
tion. 9 Sammuramat ruled as queen-mother for three years, and provided a
frail historical basis (for this is all that we know of her) for the Greek legend
of Semiramis half goddess and half queen, great general, great engineer and
great statesmanso attractively detailed by Diodorus the Sicilian. 10 Tiglath-
Pileser III gathered new armies, reconquered Armenia, overran Syria and
Babylonia, made vassal cities of Damascus, Samaria and Babylon, extended the
rule of Assyria from the Caucasus to Egypt, tired of war, became an excel-
lent administrator, built many temples and palaces, held his empire together
with an iron hand, and died peacefully in bed. Sargon II, an officer in the
army, made himself king by a Napoleonic coup d'etat; led his troops in per-
son, and took in every engagement the most dangerous post; 11 defeated Elam
and Egypt, reconquered Babylonia, and received the homage of the Jews, the
Philistines, even of the Cypriote Greeks; ruled his empire well, encouraged
arts and letters, handicrafts and trade, and died in a victorious battle that
definitely preserved Assyria from invasion by the wild Cimmerian hordes.
His son Sennacherib put down revolts in the distant provinces adjoin-
ing the Persian Gulf, attacked Jerusalem and Egypt without success,*
sacked eighty-nine cities and 820 villages, captured 7,200 horses, n,ooo
asses, 80,000 oxen, 800,000 sheep, and 208,000 prisoners; 18 the official his-
torian, on his life, did not understate these figures. Then, irritated by the
prejudice of Babylon in favor of freedom, he besieged it, took it, and
burned it to the ground; nearly all the inhabitants, young and old, male
and female, were put to death, so that mountains of corpses blocked the
streets; the temples and palaces were pillaged to the last shekel, and the
once omnipotent gods of Babylon were hacked to pieces or carried in
* Egyptian tradition attributed the escape of Egypt to discriminating field mice who ate
up the quivers, bow-strings and shield-straps of the Assyrians encamped before Pelusium,
so that the Egyptians were enabled to defeat the invaders easily the next day."
268 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. X
bondage to Nineveh: Marduk the god became a menial to Ashur. Such
Babylonians as survived did not conclude that Marduk had been over-
rated; they told themselves as the captive Jews would tell themselves a
century later in that same Babylon that their god had condescended to
be defeated in order to punish his people. With the spoils of his con-
quests and pillage Sennacherib rebuilt Nineveh, changed the courses of
rivers to protect it, reclaimed waste lands with the vigor of countries
suffering from an agricultural surplus, and was assassinated by his sons
while piously mumbling his prayers. 14
Another son, Esarhaddon, snatched the throne from his blood-stained
brothers, invaded Egypt to punish her for supporting Syrian revolts, made
her an Assyrian province, amazed western Asia with his long triumphal
progress from Memphis to Nineveh, dragging endless booty in his train;
established Assyria in unprecedented prosperity as master of the whole
Near Eastern world; delighted Babylonia by freeing and honoring its cap-
tive gods, and rebuilding its shattered capital; conciliated Elam by feeding
its famine-stricken people in an act of international beneficence almost
without parallel in the ancient world; and died on the way to suppress a
revolt in Egypt, after giving his empire the justest and kindliest rule in
its half -barbarous history.
His successor, Ashurbanipal (the Sardanapalus of the Greeks), reaped
the fruits of Esarhaddon's sowing. During his long reign Assyria reached
the climax of its wealth and prestige; after him his country, ruined by
forty years of intermittent war, fell into exhaustion and decay, and ended
its career hardly a decade after Ashurbanipal's death. A scribe has pre-
served to us a yearly record of this reign; 10 it is a dull and bloody mess of
war after war, siege after siege, starved cities and flayed captives. The
scribe represents Ashurbanipal himself as reporting his destruction of
Elam:
For a distance of one month and twenty-five days' march I devas-
tated the districts of Elam. I spread salt and thorn-bush there (to
injure the soil). Sons of the kings, sisters of the kings, members of
Elam's royal family young and old, prefects, governors, knights, arti-
sans, as many as there were, inhabitants male and female, big and
little, horses, mules, asses, flocks and herds more numerous than a
swarm of locustsI carried them off as booty to Assyria. The dust
of Susa, of Madaktu, of Haltemash and of their other cities, I carried
it off to Assyria. In a month of days I subdued Elam in its whole
CHAP. X) ASSYRIA 269
extent. The voice of man, the steps of flocks and herds, the happy
shouts of mirth I put an end to them in its fields, which I left for
the asses, the gazelles, and all manner of wild beasts to people. 1 *
The .severed head of the Elamite king was brought to Ashurbanipal as he
feasted with his queen in the palace garden; he had the head raised on a
pole in the midst of his guests, and the royal revel went on; later the
head was fixed over the gate of Nineveh, and slowly rotted away. The
Elamite general, Dananu, was flayed alive, and then was bled like a lamb;
his brother had his throat cut, and his body was divided into pieces, which
were distributed over the country as souvenirs."
It never occurred to Ashurbanipal that he and his men were brutal;
these clean-cut penalties were surgical necessities in his attempt to remove
rebellions and establish discipline among the heterogeneous and turbulent
peoples, from Ethiopia to Armenia, and from Syria to Media, whom his
predecessors had subjected to Assyrian rule; it was his obligation to main-
tain this legacy intact. He boasted of the peace that he had established in
his empire, and of the good order that prevailed in its cities; and the
boast was not without truth. That he was not merely a conqueror intoxi-
cated with blood he proved by his munificence as a builder and as a
patron of letters and the arts. Like some Roman ruler calling to the
Greeks, he sent to all his dominions for sculptors and architects to design
and adorn new temples and palaces; he commissioned innumerable scribes
to secure and copy for him all the classics of Sumerian and Babylonian
' literature, and gathered these copies in his library at Nineveh, where
modern scholarship found them almost intact after twenty-five centuries
of time had flowed over them. Like another Frederick, he was as vain
of his literary abilities as of his triumphs in war and the chase." Diodorus
describes him as a dissolute and bisexual Nero," but in the wealth of docu-
ments that have come down to us from this period there is little corrobo-
ration for this view. From the composition of literary tablets Ashurbani-
pal passed with royal confidence armed only with knife and javelin to
hand-to-hand encounters with lions; if we may credit the reports of his
contemporaries he did not hesitate to lead the attack in person, and often
dealt with his own hand the decisive blow." Little wonder that Byron was
fascinated with him, and wove about him a drama half legend and half
history, in which all the wealth and power of Assyria came to their
height, and broke into universal ruin and royal despair.
270 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. X
II. ASSYRIAN GOVERNMENT
Imperialism Assyrian 'war The conscript gods Law Delicacies
of penology Administration The violence of Oriental
monarchies
If we should admit the imperial principle that it is good, for the sake
of spreading law, security, commerce and peace, that many states should
be brought, by persuasion or force, under the authority of one govern-
mentthen we should have to concede to Assyria the distinction of having
established in western Asia a larger measure and area of order and pros-
perity than that region of the earth had ever, to our knowledge, enjoyed
before. The government of Ashurbanipal which ruled Assyria, Baby-
lonia, Armenia, Media, Palestine, Syria, Phoenicia, Sumeria, Elam and
Egypt was without doubt the most extensive administrative organization
yet seen in the Mediterranean or Near Eastern world; only Hammurabi
and Thutmose III had approached it, and Persia alone would equal it be-
fore the coming of Alexander. In some ways it was a liberal empire; its
larger cities retained considerable local autonomy, and each nation in
it was left its own religion, law and ruler, provided it paid its tribute
promptly. 81 In so loose an organization every weakening of the central
power was bound to produce rebellions, or, at the best, a certain tributary
negligence, so that the subject states had to be conquered again and again.
To avoid these recurrent rebellions Tiglath-Pilcser III established the
characteristic Assyrian policy of deporting conquered populations to alien
habitats, where, mingling with the natives, they might lose their unity
and identity, and have less opportunity to rebel. Revolts came neverthe-
less, and Assyria had to keep herself always ready for war.
The army was therefore the most vital part of the government. Assyria
recognized frankly that government is the nationalization of force, and
her chief contributions to progress were in the art of war. Chariots,
cavalry, infantry and sappers were organized into flexible formations,
siege mechanisms were as highly developed as among the Romans, strat-
egy and tactics were well understood." Tactics centered about the idea
of rapid movement making possible a piecemeal attack so old is the secret
of Napoleon. Iron-working had grown to the point of encasing the warrior
with armor to a degree of stiffness rivaling a medieval knight; even the
archers and pikemen wore copper or iron helmets, padded loin-cloths,
CHAP. X) ASSYRIA 271
enormous shields, and a leather skirt covered with metal scales. The
weapons were arrows, lances, cutlasses, maces, clubs, slings and battle-
axes. The nobility fought from chariots in the van of the battle, and the
king, in his royal chariot, usually led them in person; generals had not
yet learned to die in bed. Ashurnasirpal introduced the use of cavalry as
an aid to the chariots, and this innovation proved decisive in many en-
gagements. M The principal siege engine was a battering-ram tipped with
iron; sometimes it was suspended from a scaffold by ropes, and was swung
back to give it forward impetus; sometimes it was run forward on wheels.
The besieged fought from the walls with missiles, torches, burning pitch,
chains designed to entangle the ram, and gaseous "stink-pots" (as they
were called) to befuddle the enemy; 24 again the novel is not new. A cap-
tured city was usually plundered and burnt to the ground, and its site
was deliberately denuded by killing its trees.* 5 The loyalty of the troops
was secured by dividing a large part of the spoils among them; their
bravery was ensured by the general rule of the Near East that all captives
in war might be enslaved or slain. Soldiers were rewarded for every sev-
ered head they brought in from the field, so that the aftermath of a vic-
tory generally witnessed the wholesale decapitation of fallen foes. 89 Most
often the prisoners, who would have consumed much food in a long
campaign, and would have constituted a danger and nuisance in the rear,
were despatched after the battle; they knelt with their backs to their
captors, who beat their heads in with clubs, or cut them off with cutlasses.
Scribes stood by to count the number of prisoners taken and killed by
each soldier, and apportioned the booty accordingly; the king, if time
permitted, presided at the slaughter. The nobles among the defeated
were given more special treatment: their ears, noses, hands and feet were
sliced off, or they were thrown from high towers, or they and their chil-
dren were beheaded, or flayed alive, or roasted over a slow fire. No com-
punction seems to have been felt at this waste of human life; the birth
rate would soon make up for it, and meanwhile it relieved the pressure of
population upon the means of subsistence." Probably it was in part by
their reputation for mercy to prisoners of war that Alexander and Caesar
undermined the morale of the enemy, and conquered the Mediterranean
world.
Next to the army the chief reliance of the monarch was upon the church,
and he paid lavishly for the support of the priests. The formal head of the
272 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. X
state was by concerted fiction the god Ashur; all pronouncements were in
his name, all laws were edicts of his divine will, all taxes were collected for
his treasury, all campaigns were fought to furnish him (or, occasionally, an-
other deity) with spoils and glory. The king had himself described as a god,
usually an incarnation of Shamash, the sun. The religion of Assyria, like its
language, its science and its arts, was imported from Sumeria and Babylonia,
with occasional adaptations to the needs of a military state.
The adaptation was most visible in the case of the law, which was dis-
tinguished by a martial ruthlessness. Punishment ranged from public exhibi-
tion to forced labor, twenty to a hundred lashes, the slitting of nose and
ears, castration, pulling out the tongue, gouging out the eyes, impalement,
and beheading. 28 The laws of Sargon II prescribe such additional delicacies
as the drinking of poison, and the burning of the offender's son or daughter
alive on the altar of the god; 20 but there is no evidence of these laws being
carried out in the last millennium before Christ. Adultery, rape and some
forms of theft were considered capital crimes. 30 Trial by ordeal was occa-
sionally employed; the accused, sometimes bound in fetters, was flung into
the river, and his guilt was left to the arbitrament of the water. In general
Assyrian law was less secular and more primitive than the Babylonian Code
of Hammurabi, which apparently preceded it in time.*
Local administration, originally by feudal barons, fell in the course of time
into the hands of provincial prefects or governors appointed by the king; this
form of imperial government was taken over by Persia, and passed on from
Persia to Rome. The prefects were expected to collect taxes, to organize
the corvee for works which, like irrigation, could not be left to personal
initiative; and above all to raise regiments and lead them in the royal cam-
paigns. Meanwhile royal spies (or, as we should say, "intelligence officers")
kept watch on these prefects and their aides, and informed the king con-
cerning the state of the nation.
All in all, the Assyrian government was primarily an instrument of
war. For war was often more profitable than peace; it cemented dis-
cipline, intensified patriotism, strengthened the royal power, and brought
abundant spoils and slaves for the enrichment and service of the capital.
Hence Assyrian history is largely a picture of cities sacked and villages
or fields laid waste. When Ashurbanipal suppressed the revolt of his
brother, Shamash-shum-ukin, and captured Babylon after a long and
bitter siege,
* The oldest extant Assyrian laws are ninety articles contained on three tablets found at
Ashur and dating ca. 1300 H.C. SI
CHAP. X) ASSYRIA *73
the city presented a terrible spectacle, and shocked even the
Assyrians. . . . Most of the numerous victims to pestilence or
famine lay about the streets or in the public squares, a prey to the
dogs and swine; such of the inhabitants and the soldiery as were
comparatively strong had endeavored to escape into the country,
and only those remained who had not sufficient strength to drag
themselves beyond the walls. Ashurbanipal pursued the fugitives,
and having captured nearly all of them, vented on them the full
fury of his vengeance. He caused the tongues of the soldiers to be
torn out, and then had them clubbed to death. He massacred the
common folk in front of the great winged bulls which had already
witnessed a similar butchery half a century before under his grand-
father Sennacherib. The corpses of the victims remained long un-
buried, a prey to all unclean beasts and birds. 8 "
The weakness of Oriental monarchies was bound up with this addiction
to violence. Not only did the subject provinces repeatedly revolt, but
within the royal palace or family itself violence again and again attempted
to upset what violence had established and maintained. At or near the end
of almost every reign some disturbance broke out over the succession to
the throne; the aging monarch saw conspiracies forming around him, and
in several cases he was hastened to his end by murder. The nations of the
Near East preferred violent uprisings to corrupt elections, and their form
of recall was assassination. Some of these wars were doubtless inevitable:
barbarians prowled about every frontier, and one reign of weakness
would see the Scythians, the Cimmerians, or some other horde, sweeping
down upon the wealth of the Assyrian cities. And perhaps we exaggerate
the frequency of war and violence in these Oriental states, through the
accident that ancient monuments and modern chroniclers have preserved
the dramatic record of battles, and ignored the victories of peace. His-
torians have been prejudiced in favor of bloodshed; they found it, or
thought their readers would find it, more interesting than the quiet
achievements of the mind. We think war less frequent today because we
are conscious of the lucid intervals of peace, while history seems con-
scious only of the fevered crises of war.
274 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. X
III. ASSYRIAN LIFE
Industry and tradeMarriage and morals Religion and science-
Letters and libraries The Assyrian ideal of a gentleman
The economic life of Assyria did not differ much from that of Baby-
lonia, for in many ways the two countries were merely the north and
south of one civilization. The southern kingdom was more commercial, the
northern more agricultural; rich Babylonians were usually merchants, rich
Assyrians were most often landed gentry actively supervising great estates,
and looking with Roman scorn upon men who made their living by buying
cheap and selling dear." Nevertheless the same rivers flooded and nour-
ished the land, the same method of ridges and canals controlled the over-
flow, the same shadufs raised the water from ever deeper beds to fields
sown with the same wheat and barley, millet and sesame.* The same in-
dustries supported the life of the towns; the same system of weights and
measures governed the exchange of goods; and though Nineveh and her
sister capitals were too far north to be great centers of commerce, the
wealth brought to them by Assyria's sovereigns filled them with handicrafts
and trade. Metal was mined or imported in new abundance, and towards
700 B.C. iron replaced bronze as the basic metal of industry and armament. 85
Metal was cast, glass was blown, textiles were dyed,t earthenware was
enameled, and houses were as well equipped in Nineveh as in Europe before
the Industrial Revolution. 88 During the reign of Sennacherib an aqueduct was
built which brought water to Nineveh from thirty miles away; a thousand
feet of it, recently discovered,^ constitute the oldest aqueduct known. In-
dustry and trade were financed in part by private bankers, who charged
25% for loans. Lead, copper, silver and gold served as currency; and about
700 B.C. Sennacherib minted silver into half-shekel pieces one of our earliest
examples of an official coinage. 87
The people fell into five classes: patricians or nobles; craftsmen or master-
artisans, organized in guilds, and including the professions as well as the
trades; the unskilled but free workmen and peasants of town and village;
serfs bound to the soil on great estates, in the manner of medieval Europe;
* Other products of Assyrian cultivation were olives, grapes, garlic, onions, lettuce,
cress, beets, turnips, radishes, cucumbers, alfalfa, and licorice. Meat was rarely eaten by
any but the aristocracy;* 4 except for fish this war-like nation was largely vegetarian.
fA tablet of Sennacherib, ca. 700 B.C., contains the oldest known reference to cotton:
"The tree that bore wool they clipped and shredded for cotton."*' It was probably im-
ported from India.
$By the Iraq Expedition of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.
CHAP. X) ASSYRIA 275
and slaves captured in war or attached for debt, compelled to announce
their status by pierced ears and shaven head, and performing most of the
menial labor everywhere. On a bas-relief of Sennacherib we see super-
visers holding the whip over slaves who, in long parallel lines, are drawing a
heavy piece of statuary on a wooden sledge. 88
Like all military states, Assyria encouraged a high birth rate by its
moral code and its laws. Abortion was a capital crime; a woman who
secured miscarriage, even a woman who died of attempting it, was to be
impaled on a stake. 30 Though women rose to considerable power through
marriage and intrigue, their position was lower than in Babylonia. Severe
penalties were laid upon them for striking their husbands, wives were not
allowed to go out in public unveiled, and strict fidelity was exacted of
them though their husbands might have all the concubines they could
afford. 40 Prostitution was accepted as inevitable, and was regulated by the
state. 40 " The king had a varied harem, whose inmates were condemned to
a secluded life of dancing, singing, quarreling, needlework and conspir-
acy. 41 A cuckolded husband might kill his rival in flagrante delicto, and
was held to be within his rights; this is a custom that has survived many
codes. For the rest the law of matrimony was as in Babylonia, except
that marriage was often by simple purchase, and in many cases the wife
lived in her father's house, visited occasionally by her husband."
In all departments of Assyrian life we meet with a patriarchal stern-
ness natural to a people that lived by conquest, and in every sense on the
border of barbarism. Just as the Romans took thousands of prisoners into
lifelong slavery after their victories, and dragged others to the Circus
Maximus to be torn to pieces by starving animals, so the Assyrians seemed
to find satisfaction or a necessary tutelage for their sons in torturing
captives, blinding children before the eyes of their parents, flaying men
alive, roasting them in kilns, chaining them in cages for the amusement of
the populace, and then sending the survivors off to execution. 43 Ashur-
nasirpal tells how "all the chiefs who had revolted I flayed, with their
skins I covered the pillar, some in the midst I walled up, others on stakes
1 impaled, still others I arranged around the pillar on stakes. ... As for
the chieftains and royal officers who had rebelled, I cut off their mem-
bers." 44 Ashurbanipal boasts that "I burned three thousand captives with
fire, I left not a single one among them alive to serve as a hostage." 4 *
Another of his inscriptions reads: "These warriors who had sinned against
276 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. X
Ashur and had plotted evil against me ... from their hostile mouths have
I torn their tongues, and I have compassed their destruction. As for the
others who remained alive, I offered them as a funerary sacrifice; . . .
their lacerated members have I given unto the dogs, the swine, the wolves.
... By accomplishing these deeds I have rejoiced the heart of the great
gods."" Another monarch instructs his artisans to engrave upon the
bricks these claims on the admiration of posterity: "My war chariots
crush men and beasts. . . . The monuments which I erect are made of
human corpses from which I have cut the head and limbs. I cut off the
hands of all those whom I capture alive." 47 Reliefs at Nineveh show men
being impaled or flayed, or having their tongues torn out; one shows a
king gouging out the eyes of prisoners with a lance while he holds their
heads conveniently in place with a cord passed through their lips." As we
read such pages we become reconciled to our own mediocrity.
Religion apparently did nothing to mollify this tendency to brutality and
violence. It had less influence with the government than in Babylonia, and
took its cue from the needs and tastes of the kings. Ashur, the national
deity, was a solar god, warlike and merciless to his enemies; his people be-
lieved that he took a divine satisfaction in the execution of prisoners before
his shrine.' 9 The essential function of Assyrian religion was to train the
future citizen to a patriotic docility, and to teach him the art of wheedling
favors out of the gods by magic and sacrifice. The only religious texts that
survive from Assyria are exorcisms and omens. Long lists of omens have
come down to us in which the inevitable results of every manner of event
are given, and methods of avoiding them are prescribed. 150 The world was
pictured as crowded with demons, who had to be warded off by charms
suspended about the neck, or by long and careful incantations.
In such an atmosphere the only science that flourished was that of war.
Assyrian medicine was merely Babylonian medicine; Assyrian astronomy
was merely Babylonian astrology the stars were studied chiefly with a view
to divination." We find no evidence of philosophical speculation, no se-
cular attempt to explain the world. Assyrian philologists made lists of plants,
probably for the use of medicine, and thereby contributed moderately to
establish botany; other scribes made lists of nearly all the objects they had
found under the sun, and their attempts to classify these objects ministered
slightly to the natural science of the Greeks. From these lists our language
has taken, usually through the Greeks, such words as hangar, gypsum, camel,
plinth, shekel, rose, ammonia, jasper, cane, cherry, laudanum* naphtha, sesame,
hyssop and myrrh*
CHAP. X) ASSYRIA 277
The tablets recording the deeds of the kings, though they have the
distinction of being at once bloody and dull, must be accorded the honor
of being among the oldest extant forms of historiography. They were in
the early years mere chronicles, registering royal victories, and admitting
of no defeats; they became, in later days, embellished and literary ac-
counts of the important events of the reign. The clearest title of Assyria
to a place in a history of civilization was its libraries. That of Ashur-
banipal contained 30,000 clay tablets, classified and catalogued, each tablet
bearing an easily identifiable tag. Many of them bore the King's book-
mark: "Whoso shall carry off this tablet, . . . may Ashur and Belit over-
throw him in wrath . . . and destroy his name and posterity from the
land." 53 A large number of the tablets are copies of undated older works,
of which earlier forms are being constantly discovered; the avowed pur-
pose of AshurbanipaPs library was to preserve the literature of Baby-
lonia from oblivion. But only a small number of the tablets would now
be classed as literature; the majority of them are official records, astro-
logical and augural observations, oracles, medical prescriptions and re-
ports, exorcisms, hymns, prayers, and genealogies of the kings and the
gods." Among the least dull of the tablets are two in which Ashur-
banipal confesses, with quaint insistence, his scandalous delight in books
and knowledge:
I, Ashurbanipal, understood the wisdom of Nabu,* I acquired an
understanding of all the arts of tablet-writing. I learnt to shoot the
bow, to ride horses and chariots, and to hold the reins. . . . Mar-
duk, the wise one of the gods, presented me with information and
understanding as a gift. . . . Enurt and Nergal made me virile and
strong, of incomparable force. I understood the craft of the wise
Adapa, the hidden secrets of all the scribal art; in heavenly and
earthly buildings I read and pondered; in the meetings of clerks I
was present; I watched the omens, I explained the heavens with the
learned priests, recited the complicated multiplications and divisions
that are not immediately apparent. The beautiful writings in Su-
merian that are obscure, in Akkadian that are difficult to bear in mind,
it was my joy to repeat. ... I mounted colts, rode them with
prudence so that they were not violent; I drew the bow, sped the
arrow, the sign of the warrior. I flung the quivering javelins like
short lances. ... I held the reins like a charioteer. ... I directed
* The god of wisdom, corresponding to Thoth, Hermes and Mercury.
278 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. X
the weaving of reed shields and breastplates like a pioneer. I had
the learning that all clerks of every kind possess when their time of
maturity comes. At the same time I learnt what is proper for lord-
ship, I went my royal ways. 80
IV. ASSYRIAN ART
Minor arts Bas-relief Statuary Building A page from
"Sardanapalus"
At last, in the field of art, Assyria equaled her preceptor Babylonia,
and in bas-relief surpassed her. Stimulated by the influx of wealth into
Ashur, Kalakh and Nineveh, artists and artisans began to produce for
nobles and their ladies, for kings and palaces, for priests and temples-
jewels of every description, cast metal as skilfully designed and finely
wrought as on the great gates at Balawat, and luxurious furniture of richly
carved and costly woods strengthened with metal and inlaid with gold,
silver, bronze, or precious stones. 50 Pottery was poorly developed, and
music, like so much else, was merely imported from Babylon; but tem-
pera painting in bright colors under a thin glaze became one of the char-
acteristic arts of Assyria, from which it passed to its perfection in
Persia. Painting, as always in the ancient East, was a secondary and de-
pendent art.
In the heyday of Sargon II, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon and Ashurbani-
pal, and presumably through their lavish patronage, the art of bas-relief
created new masterpieces for the British Museum. One of the best ex-
amples, however, dates from Ashurnasirpal II; it represents, in chaste
alabaster, the good god Marduk overcoming the evil god of chaos,
Tiamat. 17 The human figures in Assyrian reliefs are stiff and coarse and
all alike, as if some perfect model had insisted on being reproduced for-
ever; all the men have the same massive heads, the same brush of whiskers,
the same stout bellies, the same invisible necks; even the gods are these
same Assyrians in very slight disguise. Only now and then do the human
figures take on vitality, as in the alabaster relief depicting spirits in adora-
tion before a palmetto tree, 58 and the fine limestone stele of Shamsi-Adad
VII found at Kalakh. 89 Usually it is the animal reliefs that stir us; never
before or since has carving pictured animals so successfully. The panels
monotonously repeat scenes of war and the hunt; but the eye never tires
of their vigor of action, their flow of motion, and their simple directness
CHAP. X) ASSYRIA 279
of line. It is as if the artist, forbidden to portray his masters realistically
or individually, had given all his lore and skill to the animals; he repre-
sents them in a profusion of species lions, horses, asses, goats, dogs, deer,
birds, grasshoppers and in every attitude except rest; too often he shows
them in the agony of death; but even then they are the center and life of
his picture and his art. The majestic horses of Sargon II on the reliefs
at Khorsabad; 80 the wounded lioness from Sennacherib's palace at Nine-
veh; 61 the dying lion in alabaster from the palace of Ashurbanipal; 8 * the
lion-hunts of Ashurnasirpal II and Ashurbanipal;" the resting lioness,* 4 and
the lion released from a trap;" the fragment in which a lion and his mate
bask in the shade of the trees 80 these are among the world's choicest mas-
terpieces in this form of art. The representation of natural objects in the
reliefs is stylized and crude; the forms are heavy, the outlines are hard,
the muscles are exaggerated; and there is no other attempt at perspective
than the placing of the distant in the upper half of the picture, on the same
scale as the foreground presented below. Gradually, however, the guild
of sculptors under Sennacherib learned to offset these defects with a
boldly realistic portrayal, a technical finish, and above all a vivid percep-
tion of action, which, in the field of animal sculpture, have never been
surpassed. Bas-relief was to the Assyrian what sculpture was to the
Greek, or painting to the Italians of the Renaissance a favorite art
uniquely expressing the national ideal of form and character.
We cannot say as much for Assyrian sculpture. The carvers of
Nineveh and Kalakh seem to have preferred relief to work in the
round; very little full sculpture has come down to us from the ruins, and
none of it is of a high order. The animals are full of power and majesty,
as if conscious of not only physical but moral superiority to man like
the bulls that guarded the gateway at Khorsabad; 87 the human or divine
figures are primitively coarse and heavy, adorned but undistinguished,
erect but dead. An exception might be made for the massive statue of
Ashurnasirpal II now in the British Museum; through all its heavy lines
one sees a man every inch a king: royal sceptre firmly grasped, thick lips
set with determination, eyes cruel and alert, a bull-like neck boding short
shrift for enemies and falsifiers of tax-reports, and two gigantic feet full
poised on the back of the world.
We must not take too seriously our judgments of this sculpture; very
likely the Assyrians idolized knotted muscles and short necks, and would
have looked with martial scorn upon our almost feminine slenderness, or
280 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. X
the smooth, voluptuous grace of Praxiteles' Hermes and the Apollo Bel-
vedere. As for Assyrian architecture, how can we estimate its excellence
when nothing remains of it but ruins almost level with the sand, and
serving chiefly as a hook upon which brave archeologists may hang their
imaginative "restorations"? Like Babylonian and recent American archi-
tecture, the Assyrian aimed not at beauty but at grandeur, and sought it
by mass design. Following the traditions of Mesopotamian art, Assyrian
architecture adopted brick as its basic material, but went its own way by
facing it more lavishly with stone. It inherited the arch and the vault from
the south, developed them, and made some experiments in columns which
led the way to the caryatids and the voluted "Ionic" capitals of the Per-
sians and the Greeks." The palaces squatted over great areas of ground,
and were wisely limited to two or three stories in height; 60 ordinarily they
were designed as a series of halls and chambers enclosing a quiet and
shaded court. The portals of the royal residences were guarded with
monstrous stone animals, the entrance hall was lined with historical re-
liefs and statuary, the floors were paved with alabaster slabs, the walls
were hung with costly tapestries, or paneled with precious woods, and
bordered with elegant mouldings; the roofs were reinforced with mas-
ive beams, sometimes covered with leaf of silver or gold, and the ceilings
were often painted with representations of natural scenery. 70
The six mightiest warriors of Assyria were also its greatest builders.
Tiglath-Pileser I rebuilt in stone the temples of Ashur, and left word
about one of them that he had "made its interior brilliant like the vault
of heaven, decorated its walls like the splendor of the rising stars, and
made it superb with shining brightness." 71 The later emperors gave gen-
erously to the temples, but, like Solomon, they preferred their palaces.
Ashurnasirpal II built at Kalakh an immense edifice of stone-faced brick,
ornamented with reliefs praising piety and war. Nearby, at Balawat, Ras-
sam found the ruins of another structure, from which he rescued two
bronze gates of magnificent workmanship. Sargon II commemorated
himself by raising a spacious palace at Dur-Sharrukin (i.e., Fort Sargon,
on the site of the modern Khorsabad) ; its gateway was flanked by winged
bulls, its walls were decorated with reliefs and shining tiles, its vast rooms
were equipped with delicately carved furniture, and were adorned with
imposing statuary. From every victory Sargon brought more slaves to
work on this construction, and more marble, lapis lazuli, bronze, silver and
gold to beautify it. Around it he set a group of temples, and in the rear
CHAP. X) ASSYRIA 2&I
he offered to the god a ziggurat of seven stories, topped with silver and
gold. Sennacherib raised at Nineveh a royal mansion called "The Incom-
parable," surpassing in size all other palaces of antiquity; 78 its walls and
floors sparkled with precious metals, woods, and stones; its tiles vied in
their brilliance with the luminaries of day and night; the metal-workers
cast for it gigantic lions and oxen of copper, and the sculptors carved for
it winged bulls of limestone and alabaster, and lined its walls with pas-
toral symphonies in bas-relief. Esarhaddon continued the rebuilding and
enlargement of Nineveh, and excelled all his predecessors in the grandeur
of his edifices and the luxuriousncss of their equipment; a dozen provinces
provided him with materials and men; new ideas for columns and deco-
rations came to him during his sojourn in Egypt; and when at last his
palaces and temples were complete they were filled with the artistic
booty and conceptions of the whole Near Eastern world. 74
The worst commentary on Assyrian architecture lies in the fact that
within sixty years after Esarhaddon had finished his palace it was crum-
bling into ruins. 75 Ashurbanipal tells us how he rebuilt it; as we read
his inscription the centuries fade, and we see dimly into the heart of the
King:
At that time the harem, the resting-place of the palace . . .
which Sennacherib, my grandfather, had built for his royal dwell-
ing, had become old with joy and gladness, and its walls had fallen.
I, Ashurbanipal, the Great King, the mighty King, the King of the
World, the King of Assyria, . . . because I had grown up in that
harem, and Ashur, Sin, Shamash, Ramman, Bel, Nabu, Ishtar, . . .
Ninib, Nergal and Nusku had preserved me therein as crown prince,
and had extended their good protection and shelter of prosperity
over me, . . . and had constantly sent me joyful tidings therein of
victory over my enemies; and because my dreams on my bed at
night were pleasant, and in the morning my fancies were bright,
... I tore down its ruins; in order to extend its area I tore it all
down. I erected a building the site of whose structure was fifty
tibki in extent. I raised a terrace; but I was afraid before the shrines
of the great gods my lords, and did not raise that structure very
high. In a good month, on a favorable day, I put in its foundations
upon that terrace, and laid its brickwork. I emptied wine of ses-
ame and wine of grapes upon its cellar, and poured them also
upon its earthen wall. In order to build that harem the people of
282 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. X
my land hauled its bricks there in wagons of Elam which I had car-
ried away as spoil by the command of the gods. I made the kings
of Arabia who had violated their treaty with me, and whom I had
captured alive in battle with my own hands, carry baskets and
(wear) workmen's caps in order to build that harem. . . . They
spent their days in moulding its bricks and performing forced
service for it to the playing of music. With joy and rejoicing I
built it from its foundations to its roof. I made more room in it
than before, and made the work upon it splendid. I laid upon it
long beams of cedar, which grew upon Sirara and Lebanon. I
covered doors of liaru-wood, whose odor is pleasant, with a sheath
of copper, and hung them in its doorways. ... I planted around
it a grove of all kinds of trees, and . . . fruits of every kind. I
finished the work of its construction, offered splendid sacrifices
to the gods my lords, dedicated it with joy and rejoicing, and
entered therein under a splendid canopy. 76
V. ASSYRIA PASSES
The last days of a king Sources of Assyrian decay The fall
of Nineveh
Nevertheless the "Great King, the mighty King, the King of the
World, the King of Assyria" complained in his old age of the misfortunes
that had come to his lot. The last tablet bequeathed us by his wedge
raises again the questions of Ecclesiastes and Job:
I did well unto god and man, to dead and living. Why have sick-
ness and misery befallen me? I cannot do away with the strife in
my country and the dissensions in my family; disturbing scandals
oppress me always. Illness of mind and flesh bow me down; with
cries of woe I bring my days to an end. On the day of the city
god, the day of the festival, I am wretched; death is seizing hold
upon me, and bears me down. With lamentation and mourning I
wail day and night, I groan, "O God! grant even to one who is
impious that he may see thy light!" 77 *
* Diodorus-how reliably we cannot say pictures the King as rioting away his years in
feminine comforts and gcndcrlcss immorality, and credits him with composing his own
reckless epitaph:
Knowing full well that thou wcrt mortal born,
Thy heart lift up, take thy delight in feasts;
CHAP. X) ASSYRIA 283
We do not know how Ashurbanipal died; the story dramatized by
Byron that he set fire to his own palace and perished in the flames rests
on the authority of the marvel-loving Ctesias," and may be merely legend.
His death was in any case a symbol and an omen; soon Assyria too was to
die, and from causes of which Ashurbanipal had been a part. For the
economic vitality of Assyria had been derived too rashly from abroad; it
depended upon profitable conquests bringing in riches and trade; at any
moment it could be ended with a decisive defeat. Gradually the qualities
of body and character that had helped to make the Assyrian armies in-
vincible were weakened by the very victories that they won; in each vic-
tory it was the strongest and bravest who died, while the infirm and cau-
tious survived to multiply their kind; it was a dysgenic process that per-
haps made for civilization by weeding out the more brutal types, but
undermined the biological basis upon which Assyria had risen to power.
The extent of her conquests had helped to weaken her; not only had
they depopulated her fields to feed insatiate Mars, but they had brought
into Assyria, as captives, millions of destitute aliens who bred with the
fertility of the hopeless, destroyed all national unity of character and
blood, and became by their growing numbers a hostile and disintegrating
force in the very midst of the conquerors. More and more the army
itself was filled by these men of other lands, while semi-barbarous maraud-
ers harassed every border, and exhausted the resources of the country in
an endless defense of its unnatural frontiers.
Ashurbanipal died in 626 B.C. Fourteen years later an army of Baby-
lonians under Nabopolassar united with an army of Medes under Cyax-
ares and a horde of Scythians from the Caucasus, and with amazing ease
and swiftness captured the citadels of the north. Nineveh was laid waste
as ruthlessly and completely as her kings had once ravaged Susa and
Babylon; the city was put to the torch, the population was slaughtered or
enslaved, and the palace so recently built by Ashurbanipal was sacked and
destroyed. At one blow Assyria disappeared from history. Nothing
When dead no pleasure more is thine. Thus I,
Who once o'er mighty Ninus ruled, am naught
But dust. Yet these are mine which gave me joy
In life the food I ate, my wantonness,
And love's delights. But all those other things
Men deem felicities are left behind."
Perhaps there is no inconsistency between this mood and that pictured in the text; the
one may have been the medical preliminary to the other.
284 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. X
remained of her except certain tactics and weapons of war, certain voluted
capitals of semi-"Ionic" columns, and certain methods of provincial ad-
ministration that passed down to Persia, Macedon and Rome. The Near
East remembered her for a while as a merciless unifier of a dozen lesser
states; and the Jews recalled Nineveh vengefully as "the bloody city,
full of lies and robbery." 80 In a little while all but the mightiest of the
Great Kings were forgotten, and all their royal palaces were in ruins
under the drifting sands. Two hundred years after its capture, Xeno-
phon's Ten Thousand marched over the mounds that had been Nineveh,
and never suspected that these were the site of the ancient metropolis that
had ruled half the world. Not a stone remained visible of all the temples
with which Assyria's pious warriors had sought to beautify their greatest
capital. Even Ashur, the everlasting god, was dead.
CHAPTER XI
A Motley of Nations
I. THE INDO-EUROPEAN PEOPLES
The ethnic scene Mitannians Hittites Armenians Scythians-
Phrygians The Divine Mother Lydians Crcssus Coin-
ageCroesus, Solon and Cyrus
TO a distant and yet discerning eye the Near East, in the days of
Nebuchadrezzar, would have seemed like an ocean in which vast
swarms of human beings moved about in turmoil, forming and dissolving
groups, enslaving and being enslaved, eating and being eaten, killing and
getting killed, endlessly. Behind and around the great empires Egypt,
Babylonia, Assyria and Persia flowered this medley of half nomad, half
settled tribes: Cimmerians, Cilicians, Cappadocians, Bithynians, Ashkanians,
Mysians, Maeonians, Carians, Lycians, Pamphylians, Pisidians, Lycaonians,
Philistines, Amorites, Canaanitcs, Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites and a
hundred other peoples each of which felt itself the center of geography
and history, and would have marveled at the ignorant prejudice of an
historian who would reduce them to a paragraph. Thoughont the history
of the Near East such nomads were a peril to the more settled kingdoms
which they almost surrounded; periodically droughts would fling them
upon these richer regions, necessitating frequent wars, and perpetual
readiness for war. 1 Usually the nomad tribe survived the settled kingdom,
and overran it in the end. The world is dotted with areas where once
civilization flourished, and where nomads roam again.
In this seething ethnic sea certain minor states took shape, which, even
if only as conductors, contributed their mite to the heritage of the race.
The Mitannians interest us not as the early antagonists of Egypt in the
Near East, but as one of the first Indo-European peoples known to us in
Asia, and as the worshipers of gods Mithra, Indra and Varuna whose pas-
285
286 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XI
sage to Persia and India helps us to trace the movements of what was once
so conveniently called the "Aryan" race.*
The Hittites were among the most powerful and civilized of the early
Indo-European peoples. Apparently they had come down across the Bos-
phorus, the Hellespont, the ^Egean or the Caucasus, and had established
themselves as a ruling military caste over the indigenous agriculturists of
that mountainous peninsula, south of the Black Sea, which we know as Asia
Minor. Towards 1800 B.C. we find them settled near the sources of the
Tigris and the Euphrates; thence they spread their arms and influence into
Syria, and gave mighty Egypt some indignant concern. We have seen how
Rameses II was forced to make peace with them, and to acknowledge the
Hittite king as his equal. At Boghaz Keuit they made their capital and
centered their civilization: first on the iron which they mined in the moun-
tains bordering on Armenia, then on a code of laws much influenced by
Hammurabi's, and finally on a crude esthetic sense which drove them to
carve vast and awkward figures in the round, or upon the living rock.J
Their language, recently deciphered by Hronzny from the ten thousand clay
tablets found at Boghaz Keui by Hugo Winckler, was largely of Indo-Euro-
pean affinity; its declensional and conjugational forms closely resembled
those of Latin and Greek, and some of its simpler words are visibly akin to
English. The Hittites wrote a pictographic script in their own queer
way one line from left to right, the next from right to left, and so forth
alternately. They learned cuneiform from the Babylonians, taught Crete
* The word Aryan first appears in the Harri, one of the tribes of Mitanni. In general
it was the self-given appellation of peoples living near, or coming from, the shores of the
Caspian Sea. The term is properly applied today chiefly to the Mitannians, Hittites,
Mcdes, Persians, and Vedic Hindus i.e., only to the eastern branch of the Indo-European
peoples, whose western branch populated Europe.*
tEast of the Halys River. Nearby, across the river, is Angora, capital of Turkey, and
lineal descendant of Ancyra, the ancient metropolis of Phrygia. We may be helped to a
cultural perspective by realizing that the Turks, whom we call "terrible," note with pride
the antiquity of their capital, and mourn the domination of Europe by barbaric infidels.
Every point is the center of the world.
t Baron von Oppenheim unearthed at Tell Halaf and elsewhere many relics of Hittite
art, which he has collected into his own museum, an abandoned factory in Berlin. Most
of these remains are dated by their finder about 1200 B.C.; some of them he attributes pre-
cariously to the fourth millennium B.C. The collection includes a group of lions crudely
but powerfully carved in stone, a bull in fine black stone, and figures of the Hittite triad
of godsthe Sun-god, the Weather-god, and Hepat, the Hittite Ishtar. One of the most
impressive of the figures is an ungainly Sphinx, before which is a stone vessel intended
for offerings.
Cf., e.g., vadar, water; ezza, eat; uga y I (Latin ego); tug, thee; vesh, we; mu, me;
kuish, who (Lat. quis)\ quit, what (Lat. quid), etc.'
CHAP. Xl) A MOTLEY OF NATIONS 267
the use of the clay tablet for writing, and seem to have mingled with the
ancient Hebrews intimately enough to have given them their sharply)
aquiline nose, so that this Hebraic feature must now be considered strictly l
"Aryan."* Some of the surviving tablets are vocabularies giving Sumerian,
Babylonian and Hittite equivalents; others are administrative enactments re-
vealing a close-knit military and monarchical state; others contain two hun-
dred fragments of a code of laws, including price-regulations for commodi-
ties." The Hittites disappeared from history almost as mysteriously as they
entered it; one after another their capitals decayed perhaps because their
great advantage, iron, became equally accessible to their competitors. The
last of these capitals, Carchemish, fell before the Assyrians in 717 B.C.
Just north of Assyria was a comparatively stable nation, known to the
Assyrians as Urartu, to the Hebrews as Ararat, and to later times as Ar-
menia. For many centuries, beginning before the dawn of recorded history
and continuing till the establishment of Persian rule over all of western
Asia, the Armenians maintained their independent government, their char-
acteristic customs and arts. Under their greatest king, Argistis II (ca. 708
B.C.), they grew rich by mining iron and selling it to Asia and Greece; they
achieved a high level of prosperity and comfort, of culture and manners;
they built great edifices of stone, and made excellent vases and statuettes.
They lost their wealth in costly wars of offense and defense against Assyria,
and passed under Persian domination in the days of the all-conquering Cyrus.
Still farther north, along the shores of the Black Sea, wandered the
Scythians, a horde of warriors half Mongol and half European, ferocious
bearded giants who lived in wagons, kept their women in purdah seclusion, 8
rode bareback on wild horses, fought to live and lived to fight, drank the
blood of their enemies and used the scalps as napkins, 7 weakened Assyria
with repeated raids, swept through western Asia (ca. 630-610 B.C.), de-
stroying and killing everything and everyone in their path, advanced to
the very cities of the Egyptian Delta, were suddenly decimated by a mys-
terious disease, and were finally overcome by the Medes and driven back
to their northern haunts. 8 * We catch from such a story another glimpse of
the barbaric hinterland that hedged in every ancient state.
* Hippocrates tells us that "their women, so long as they are virgins, ride, shoot, throw
the javelin while mounted, and fight with their enemies. They do not lay aside their
virginity until they have killed three of their enemies. ... A woman who takes to her-
self a husband no longer rides, unless she is compelled to do so by a general ex-
pedition. They have no right breast; for while they are yet babies their mothers
make red-hot a bronze instrument constructed for this very purpose and apply it to
the right breast and cauterize it, so that its growth is arrested, and all its strength and
bulk are diverted to the right shoulder and right arm." 9
*88 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XI
Towards the end of the ninth century B.C. a new power arose in Asia
Minor, inheriting the remains of the Hittite civilization, and serving as a
cultural bridge to Lydia and Greece. The legend by which the Phrygians
tried to explain for curious historians the foundation of their kingdom
was symbolical of the rise and fall of nations. Their first king, Gordios,
was a simple peasant whose sole inheritance had been a pair of oxen;*
their next king, his son Midas, was a spendthrift who weakened the state
by that greed and extravagance which posterity represented through the
legend of his plea to the gods that he might turn anything to gold by
touching it. The plea was so well heard that everything Midas touched
turned to gold, even the food that he put to his lips; he was on the verge
of starvation when the gods allowed him to cleanse himself of the curse
by bathing in the river Pactolus which has given up grains of gold
ever since.
The Phrygians made their way into Asia from Europe, built a capital
at Ancyra, and for a time contended with Assyria and Egypt for mastery
of the Near East. They adopted a native mother-goddess, Ma, rechristened
her Cybele from the mountains (kybcla) in which she dwelt, and wor-
shiped her as the great spirit of the untilled earth, the personification of
all the reproductive energies of nature. They took over from the aborig-
ines the custom of serving the goddess through sacred prostitution, and
accepted into their mythical lore the story of how Cybele had fallen
in love with the young god Atys,t and had compelled him to emasculate
himself in her honor; hence the priests of the Great Mother sacrificed
their manhood to her upon entering the service of her temples. 11 These
barbarous legends fascinated the imagination of the Greeks, and entered
profoundly into their mythology and their literature. The Romans offi-
cially adopted Cybele into their religion, and some of the orgiastic rites
that marked the Roman carnivals were derived from the wild rituals with
which the Phrygians annually celebrated the death and resurrection of the
handsome Atys. 1 *
*The oracle of Zeus had commanded the Phrygians to choose as king the first man
who rode up to the temple in a wagon; hence the selection of Gordios. The new king
dedicated his car to the god; and a new oracle predicted that the man who should suc-
ceed in untying the intricate bark knot that bound the yoke of the wagon to the pole
would rule over all Asia. Alexander, story goes, cut the "Gordian knot" with a blow of
his sword.
t Atys, we arc informed, was miraculously born of the virgin-goddess Nana, who con-
ceived him by placing a pomegranate between her breasts. 10
CHAP. Xl) A MOTLEY OF NATIONS 289
The ascendency of Phrygia in Asia Minor was ended with the rise
of the new kingdom of Lydia. King Gyges established it with its capital
at Sardis; Alyattes, in a long reign of forty-nine years, raised it to pros-
perity and power; Croesus (570-546 B.C.) inherited and enjoyed it, ex-
panded it by conquest to include nearly all of Asia Minor, and then sur-
rendered it to Persia. By generous bribes to local politicians he brought
one after another of the petty states that surrounded him into subjection
to Lydia, and by pious and unprecedented hecatombs to local deities
he placated these subject peoples and persuaded them that he was the
darling of their gods. Croesus further distinguished himself by issuing
gold and silver coins of admirable design, minted and guaranteed at their
face value by the state; and though these were not, as long supposed, the
first official coins in history, much less the invention of coinage,* never-
theless they set an example that stimulated trade throughout the Mediter-
ranean world. Men had for many centuries used various metals as stand-
ards of value and exchange; but these, whether copper, bronze, iron,
silver or gold, had in most countries been measured by weight or other
tests at each transaction. It was no small improvement that replaced such
cumbersome tokens with a national currency; by accelerating the passage
of goods from those that could best produce them to those that most
effectively demanded them it added to the wealth of the world, and pre-
pared for mercantile civilizations like those of Ionia and Greece, in which
the proceeds of commerce were to finance the achievements of literature
and art.
Of Lydian literature nothing remains; nor docs any specimen survive
of the preciously wrought vases of gold, iron and silver that Croesus
offered to the conquered gods. The vases found in Lydian tombs, and
now housed in the Louvre, show how the artistic leadership of Egypt
and Babylonia was yielding, in the Lydia of Croesus' day, to the growing
influence of Greece; their delicacy of execution rivals their fidelity to
nature. When Herodotus visited Lydia he found its customs almost in-
distinguishable from those of his fellow-Greeks; all that remained to sep-
arate them, he tells us, was the way in which the daughters of the com-
mon people earned their dowriesby prostitution. 18
The same great gossip is our chief authority for the dramatic story
of Croesus's fall. Herodotus recounts how Croesus displayed his riches
* Older coins have been found at Mohenjo-daro, in India (2900 B.C.); and we have seen
how Sennacherib (ca. 700 B.C.) minced half-shekel pieces.
2pO THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XI
to Solon, and then asked him whom he considered the happiest of men.
Solon, after naming three individuals who were all dead, refused to call
Croesus happy, on the ground that there was no telling what misfortunes
the morrow would bring him. Croesus dismissed the great legislator as a
fool, turned his hand to plotting against Persia, and suddenly found the
hosts of Cyrus at his gates. According to the same historian the Persians
won through the superior stench of their camels, which the horses of
the Lydian cavalry could not bear; the horses fled, the Lydians were
routed, and Sardis fell. Croesus, according to ancient tradition, prepared
a great funeral pyre, took his place on it with his wives, his daughters,
and the noblest young men among the surviving citizens, and ordered his
eunuchs to burn himself and them to death. In his last moments he re-
membered the words of Solon, mourned his own blindness, and re-
proached the gods who had taken all -his hecatombs and paid him with
destruction. Cyrus, if we may follow Herodotus," took pity on him,
ordered the flames to be extinguished, carried Croesus with him to Persia,
and made him one of his most trusted counsellors.
II. THE SEMITIC PEOPLES
The antiquity of the Arabs Phoenicians Their world trade
Their circumnavigation of Africa Colonies Tyre and
Sidon Deities The dissemination of the alphabet
Syria Astarte The death and resurrection of
AdoniThe sacrifice of children
11
If we attempt to mitigate the confusion of tongues in the Near East
by distinguishing the northern peoples of the region as mostly Indo-
European, and the central and southern peoples, from Assyria to Arabia,
as Semitic,* we shall have to remember that reality is never so clear-cut
in its differences as the rubrics under which we dismember it for neat
handling. The Near East was divided by mountains and deserts into
localities naturally isolated and therefore naturally diverse in language and
traditions; but not only did trade tend to assimilate language, customs and
arts along its main routes (as, for example, along the great rivers from
Nineveh and Carchemish to the Persian Gulf), but the migrations and
imperial deportations of vast communities so mingled stocks and speech
* The term Semite is derived from Shem, legendary son of Noah, on the theory that
Shem was the ancestor of all the Semitic peoples.
CHAP.Xl) A MOTLEY OF NATIONS 291
that a certain homogeneity of culture accompanied the heterogeneity of
blood. By "Indo-European," then, we shall mean predominantly Indo-
European; by "Semitic" we shall mean predominantly Semitic: no strain
was unmixed, no culture was left uninfluenced by its neighbors or its
enemies. We are to vision the vast area as a scene of ethnic diversity and
flux, in which now the Indo-European, now the Semitic, stock for a
time prevailed, but only to take on the general cultural character of the
whole. Hammurabi and Darius I were separated by differences of blood
and religion, and by almost as many centuries as those that divide us from
Christ; nevertheless, when we examine the two great kings we perceive
that they are essentially and profoundly akin.
The fount and breeding-place of the Semites was Arabia. Out of that
arid region, where the "man-plant" grows so vigorously and hardly any
other plant will grow at all, came, in a succession of migrations, wave
after wave of sturdy, reckless stoics no longer supportable by desert and
oases, and bound to conquer for themselves a place in the shade. Those
who remained behind created the civilization of Arabia and the Bedouin:
the patriarchal family, the stern morality of obedience, the fatalism of
a hard environment, and the ignorant courage to kill their own daughters
as offerings to the gods. Nevertheless they did not take religion very
much to heart till Mohammed came, and they neglected the arts and re-
finements of life as effeminate devices for degenerate men. For a time they
controlled the trade with the further East: their ports at Cannch and Aden
were heaped with the riches of the Indies, and their patient caravans
carried these goods precariously overland to Phoenicia and Babylon. In
the interior of their broad peninsula they built cities, palaces and temples,
but they did not encourage foreigners to come and see them. For thou-
sands of years they have lived their own life, kept their own customs,
kept their own counsel; they are the same today as in the time of Cheops
and Gudea; they have seen a hundred kingdoms rise and fall about them;
and their soil is still jealously theirs, guarded from profane feet and alien
eyes.
Who, now, were those Phoenicians who have so often been spoken
of in these pages, whose ships sailed every sea, whose merchants bar-
gained in every port? The historian is abashed before any question of
origins: he must confess that he knows next to nothing about either the
early or the late history of this ubiquitous, yet elusive, people." We do
not know whence they came, nor when; we are not certain that they
THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XI
were Semites;* and as to the date of their arrival on the Mediterranean
coast, we cannot contradict the statement of the scholars of Tyre, who
told Herodotus that their ancestors had come from the Persian Gulf, and
had founded the city in what we should call the twenty-eighth century
before Christ." Even their name is problematical: the phoinix from which
the Greeks coined it may mean the red dye that Tyrian merchants sold,
or a palm-tree that flourishes along the Phoenician coast. That coast, a
narrow strip a hundred miles long and only ten miles wide, between Syria
and the sea, was almost all of Phoenicia; the people never thought it worth
while to settle in the Lebanon hills behind them, or to bring these ranges
under their rule; they were content that this beneficent barrier should
protect them from the more warlike nations whose goods they carried
out into all the lanes of the sea.
Those mountains compelled them to live on the water. From the Sixth
Egyptian Dynasty onward they were the busiest merchants of the ancient
world; and when they liberated themselves from Egypt (ca. 1200 B.C.)
they became masters of the Mediterranean. They themselves manufac-
tured various forms and objects of glass and metal; they made enameled
vases, weapons, ornaments and jewelry; they had a monopoly of the purple
dye which they extracted from the molluscs abounding along their
shores; 18 and the women of Tyre were famous for the gorgeous colors
with which they stained the products of their deft needlework. These,
and the exportable surplus of India and the Near East cereals, wines,
textiles and precious stones they shipped to every city of the Mediter-
ranean far and near, bringing back, in return, lead, gold and iron from
the south shores of the Black Sea, copper, cypress and corn from Cyprus, t
ivory from Africa, silver from Spain, tin from Britain, and slaves from
everywhere. They were shrewd traders; they persuaded the natives of
Spain to give them, in exchange for a cargo of oil, so great a quantity of
silver that the holds of their ships could not contain it whereupon the
subtle Semites replaced the iron or stones in their anchors with silver, and
sailed prosperously away. 10 Not satisfied with this, they enslaved the na-
tives, and made them work for long hours in the mines for a subsistence
wage.J Like all early voyagers, and some old languages, they made scant
* Autran has argued that they were a branch of the Cretan civilization."
t Copper and cypress took their names from Cyprus.
$ Cf. Gibbon: "Spain, by a very singular fatality, was the Peru and Mexico of the old
world. The discovery of the rich western continent by the Phoenicians, and the oppres-
CHAP.Xl) A MOTLEY OF NATIONS 293
distinction between trade and treachery, commerce and robbery; they
stole from the weak, cheated the stupid, and were honest with the rest.
Sometimes they captured ships on the high seas, and confiscated their
cargoes and their crews; sometimes they lured curious natives into visiting
the Phoenician vessels, and then sailed off with them to sell them as
slaves. 21 They had much to do with giving the trading Semites of antiquity
an evil reputation, especially with the early Greeks, who did the same
things.*
Their low and narrow galleys, some seventy feet long, set a new style
of design by abandoning the inward-curving bow of the Egyptian vessel,
and turning it outward into a sharp point for cleaving wind or water,
or the ships of the enemy. One large rectangular sail, hoisted on a mast
fixed in the keel, helped the galley-slaves who provided most of the
motive-power with their double bank of oars. On a deck above the
rowers, soldiers stood on guard, ready for trade or war. These frail
ships, having no compasses and drawing hardly five feet of water,
kept cautiously near the shore, and for a long time dared not move during
the night. Gradually the art of navigation developed to the point where
the Phoenician pilots, guiding themselves by the North Star (or the
Phoenician Star, as the Greeks called it), adventured into the oceans,
and at last circumnavigated Africa, sailing down the cast coast first, and
"discovering" the Cape of Good Hope some two thousand years before
Vasco da Gama. "When autumn came," says Herodotus, "they went
ashore, sowed the land, and waited for harvest; then, having reaped the
corn, they put to sea again. When two years had thus passed, in the
third, having doubled the Pillars of Hercules (Gibraltar), they arrived
in Egypt." 23 What an adventure!
At strategic points along the Mediterranean they established garrisons
that grew in time into populous colonies or cities: at Cadiz, Carthage
and Marseilles, in Malta, Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica, even in distant
England. They occupied Cyprus, Melos and Rhodes. 84 They took the
arts and sciences of Egypt, Crete and the Near East and spread them
in Greece, Africa, Italy and Spain. They bound together the East and
sion of the simple natives, who were compelled to labor in their own mines for the
benefit of the strangers, form an exact type of the more recent history of Spanish
America.""
* The Greeks, who for half a millennium were raiders and pirates, gave the name
"Phoenician" to anyone addicted to sharp practices."
294 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XI
the West in a commercial and cultural web, and began to redeem Europe
from barbarism.
Nourished by this trade, and skilfully governed by mercantile aristocra-
cies too clever in diplomacy and finance to waste their fortunes in war, the
cities of Phoenicia rose to a place among the richest and most powerful in
the world. Byblos thought itself the oldest of all cities; the god El had
founded it at the beginning of time, and to the end of its history it re-
mained the religious capital of Phoenicia. Because papyrus was one of the
principal articles in its trade, the Greeks took the name of the city as their
word for bookbiblos and from their word for books named our Bible ta
biblia.
Some fifty miles to the south, also on the coast, lay Sidon; originally a
fortress, it grew rapidly into a village, a town, a prosperous city; it con-
tributed the best ships to Xerxes' fleet; and when later the Persians be-
sieged and captured it, its proud leaders deliberately burned it to the
ground, forty thousand inhabitants perishing in the conflagration." It was
already rebuilt and flourishing when Alexander came, and some of its en-
terprising merchants followed his army to India "for trafficking."" 8
Greatest of the Phoenician cities was Tyre i.e., the rock built upon an
island several miles off the coast. It, too, began as a fortress; but its splen-
did harbor and its security from attack soon made it the metropolis of
Phoenicia, a cosmopolitan bedlam of merchants and slaves from the whole
Mediterranean world. Already in the ninth century B.C., Tyre had achieved
affluence under King Hiram, friend of King Solomon; and by the time of
Zechariah (ca. 520 B.C.), she had "heaped up silver as the dust, and fine gold
as the mire of the streets."" "The houses here," said Strabo, "have many
stories, even more than the houses at Rome."* Its wealth and courage kept
it independent until Alexander came. The young god saw in it a challenge
to his omnipotence, and reduced it by building a causeway that turned the
island into a peninsula. The success of Alexandria completed the ruin of
Tyre.
Like every nation that feels the complexity of cosmic currents and the
variety of human needs, Phoenicia had many gods. Each city had its Baal
(i.e., Lord) or city-god, who was conceived as ancestor of the kings, and
source of the soil's fertility; the corn, the wine, the figs and the flax were
all the work of the holy Baal. The Baal of Tyre was called Melkarth; like
Hercules, with whom the Greeks identified him, he was a god of strength,
and accomplished feats worthy of a Miinchausen. Astarte was the Greek
name of the Phoenician Ishtar; she had the distinction of being worshiped in
CHAP. Xl) AMOTLEYOFNATIONS 295
some places as the goddess of a cold Artemisian chastity, and in others as
the amorous and wanton deity of physical love, in which form she was
identified by the Greeks with Aphrodite. As Ishtar-Mylitta received in sacri-
fice the virginity of her girl-devotees at Babylon, so the women who hon-
ored Astarte at Byblos had to give up their long tresses to her, or surrender
themselves to the first stranger who solicited their love in the precincts of
the temple. And as Ishtar had loved Tammuz, so Astarte had loved Adoni
(i.e., Lord), whose death on the tusks of a boar was annually mourned at
Byblos and Paphos (in Cyprus) with wailing and beating of the breast.
Luckily Adoni rose from the dead as often as he died, and ascended to heav-
en in the presence of his worshipers." Finally there was Moloch (i.e., King),
the terrible god to whom the Phoenicians offered living children as burnt
sacrifices; at Carthage, during a siege of the city (307 B.C.), two hundred
boys of die best families were burned to death on the altar of this fiery
divinity. 30
Nevertheless the Phoenicians deserve some niche in the hall of civilized
nations, for it was probably their merchants who taught the Egyptian
alphabet to the nations of antiquity. Not the ecstasies of literature but
the needs of commerce brought unity to the peoples of the Mediterranean;
nothing could better illustrate a certain generative relation between
commerce and culture. We do not know that the Phoenicians introduced
this alphabet into Greece, though Greek tradition unanimously affirms
it; 81 it is possible that Crete gave the alphabet to both the Phoenicians and
the Greeks. 88 But it is more probable that the Phoenicians took letters
where they took papyrus. About noo B.C. we find them importing
papyrus from Egypt; 38 for a nation that kept and carried many accounts
it was an inestimable convenience compared with the heavy clay tablets
of Mesopotamia; and the Egyptian alphabet was likewise an immense
improvement upon the clumsy syllabaries of the Near East. About 960
B.C. King Hiram of Tyre dedicated to one of his gods a bronze cup en-
graved with an alphabetic inscription; 84 and about 840 B.C. King Mesha
of Moab announced his glory (on a stone now in the Louvre) in a
Semitic dialect written from right to left in letters corresponding to
those of the Phoenician alphabet. The Greeks reversed the facing of
some of the letters, because they wrote from left to right; but essentially
their alphabet was that which the Phoenicians had taught them, and
which they were in turn to teach to Europe. These strange symbols
are the most precious portion of our cultural heritage.
296 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XI
The oldest examples of alphabetic writing known to us, however, appear
not in Phoenicia but in Sinai. At Serabit-el-khadim, a little hamlet covering
a site where anciently the Egyptians mined turquoise, Sir William Flinders
Petrie found inscriptions in a strange language, dating back to an uncertain
age, perhaps as early as 2500 B.C. Though these inscriptions have never been
deciphered, it is apparent that they were written not in hieroglyphics, nor
in syllabic cuneiform, but with an alphabet. 30 At Zapouna, in southern
Syria, French archeologists discovered an entire library of clay tablets-
some in hieroglyphic, some in a Semitic alphabetic script. As Zapouna seems
to have been permanently destroyed about 1200 B.C., these tablets go back
presumably to the thirteenth century B.C., 80 and suggest to us again how
old civilization was in those centuries to which our ignorance ascribes its
origins.
Syria lay behind Phoenicia, in the very lap of the Lebanon hills, gath-
ering its tribes together loosely under the rule of that capital which still
boasts that it is the oldest city of all, and still harbors Syrians hungry for
liberty. For a time the kings of Damascus dominated a dozen petty
nations about them, and successfully resisted the efforts of Assyria to make
Syria one of her vassal states. The inhabitants of the city were Semitic
merchants, who managed to garner wealth out of the caravan trade that
passed through Syria's mountains and plains. Artisans and slaves worked
for them, none too happily. We hear of masons organizing great unions,
and inscriptions tell of a strike of bakers in Magnesia; across the centuries
we sense the strife and busyness of an ancient Syrian town. 37 These
artisans were skilful in shaping graceful pottery, in carving ivory and
wood, in polishing gems, and in weaving stuffs of gay colors for the
adornment of their women."
Fashions, manners and morals in Damascus were very much as at
Babylon, which was the Paris and arbiter elegantiarum of the ancient
East. Religious prostitution flourished, for in Syria, as throughout western
Asia, the fertility of the soil was symbolized in a Great Mother, or
Goddess, whose sexual commerce with her lover gave the hint to all
the reproductive processes and energies of nature; and the sacrifice of
virginity at the temples was not only an offering to Astarte, but a par-
ticipation with her in that annual self-abandonment which, it was hoped,
would offer an irresistible suggestion to the earth, and insure the increase
of plants, animals and men. 88 About the time of the vernal equinox the
festival of the Syrian Astarte, like that of Cybele in Phrygia, was cele-
CHAP. Xl) A MOTLEY OF NATIONS 297
brated at Hierapolis with a fervor bordering upon madness. The noise
of flutes and drums mingled with the wailing of the women for Astarte's
dead lord, Adoni; eunuch priests danced wildly, and slashed themselves
with knives; at last many men, who had come merely as spectators, were
overcome with the excitement, threw off their clothing, and emasculated
themselves in pledge of lifelong service to the goddess. Then, in the dark
of the night, the priests brought a mystic illumination to the scene, opened
the tomb of the young god, and announced triumphantly that Adoni,
the Lord, had risen from the dead. Touching the lips of the worshipers
with balm, the priests whispered to them the promise that they, too,
would some day rise from the grave. 40
The other gods of Syria were not less bloodthirsty than Astarte. It is
true that the priests recognized a general divinity, embracing all the gods,
and called El or Ilu, like the Elohim of the Jews; but this calm abstraction
was hardly noticed by the people who gave their worship to the Baal.
Usually they identified this city-god with the sun, as they identified
Astarte with the moon; and on occasions of great moment they offered
him their own children in sacrifice, after the manner of the Phoenicians;
the parents came to the ceremony dressed as for a festival, and the cries
of their children burning in the lap of the god were drowned by the
blaring of trumpets and the piping of flutes. Normally, however, a milder
sacrifice sufficed; the priests slashed themselves until the altar was covered
with their blood; or the child's foreskin was offered as a commutation
for his life; or the priests condescended to accept a sum of money to be
presented to the god in place of the prepuce. In some way the god had
to be appeased and satisfied; for his worshipers had made him in the
image and dream of themselves, and he had no great regard for human
life, or womanly tears. 41
Similar customs, varying only in name and detail, were practised by
the Semitic tribes south of Syria, who filled the land with their confusion
of tongues. It was forbidden the Jews to "make their children pass
through the fire," but occasionally they did it none the less. 48 Abraham
about to sacrifice Isaac, and Agamemnon sacrificing Iphigenia, were but
resorting to an ancient rite in attempting to propitiate the gods with
human blood. Mesha, King of Moab, sacrificed his eldest son by fire as
a means of raising a siege; his prayer having been answered, and the
sacrifice of his son having been accepted, he slaughtered seven thousand
Israelites in gratitude. 43 Throughout this region, from the Sumerian days
298 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XI
when the Amorites roamed the plains of Amurru (ca. -2800 B.C.) to the
time when the Jews fell with divine wrath upon the Canaanites, and
Sargon of Assyria captured Samaria, and Nebuchadrezzar captured Jeru-
salem (597 B.C.), the valley of the Jordan was drenched periodically
with fratricidal blood, and many Lords of Hosts rejoiced. These Moabites,
Canaanites, Amorites, Edomites, Philistines and Aramaeans hardly enter
into the cultural record of mankind. It is true that the fertile Aramaeans,
spreading everywhere, made their language the lingua franca of the Near
East, and that the alphabetic script which they had learned either from
the Egyptians or the Phoenicians replaced the cuneiform and syllabaries
of Mesopotamia, first as a mercantile, then as a literary, medium, and
became at last the tongue of Christ and the alphabet of the Arabs today. 44
But time preserves their names not so much because of their own accom-
plishments as because they played some pan on the tragic stage of Pales-
tine. We must study, in greater detail than their neighbors, these numer-
ically and geographically insignificant Jews, who gave to the world one
of its greatest literatures, two of its most influential religions, and so many
of its prof oundest men.
CHAPTER XII
Judea
I. THE PROMISED LAND
Palestine Climate Prehistory Abraham's people The
Jews in Egypt The Exodus The conquest of Canaan
A BUCKLE or a Montesquieu, eager to interpret history through
geography, might have taken a handsome leaf out of Palestine.
One hundred and fifty miles from Dan on the north to Beersheba on the
south, twenty-five to eighty miles from the Philistines on the west to
the Syrians, Aramaeans, Ammonites, Moabites and Edomites on the east-
one would not expect so tiny a territory to play a major role in history,
or to leave behind it an influence greater than that of Babylonia, Assyria
or Persia, perhaps greater even than that of Egypt or Greece. But it
was the fortune and misfortune of Palestine that it lay midway between
the capitals of the Nile and those of the Tigris and Euphrates. This cir-
cumstance brought trade to Judea, and it brought war; time and again
the harassed Hebrews were compelled to take sides in the struggle of the
empires, to pay tribute or be overrun. Behind the Bible, behind the
plaintive cries of the psalmists and the prophets for help from the sky,
lay this imperiled place of the Jews between the upper and nether mill-
stones of Mesopotamia and Egypt.
The climatic history of the land tells us again how precarious a thing
civilization is, and how its great enemies barbarism and desiccation-
are always waiting to destroy it. Once Palestine was "a land flowing
with milk and honey," as many a passage in the Pentateuch describes it. 1
Josephus, in the first century after Christ, still speaks of it as "moist
enough for agriculture, and very beautiful. They have abundance of
trees, and are full of autumn fruits both wild and cultivated. . . . They
are not naturally watered by many rivers, but derive their chief moisture
from rain, of which they have no want."" In ancient days the spring rains
that fed the land were stored in cisterns or brought back to the surface
by a multitude of wells, and distributed over the country by a network
299
3<X> THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
of canals; this was the physical basis of Jewish civilization. The soil, so
nourished, produced barley, wheat and corn, the vine throve on it, and
trees bore olives, figs, dates or other fruits on every slope. When war
came and devastated these artifically fertile fields, or when some con-
queror exiled to distant regions the families that had cared for them,
the desert crept in eagerly, and in a few years undid the work of genera-
tions. We cannot judge the fruitfulness of ancient Palestine from the
barren wastes and timid oases that confronted the brave Jews who in
our own time returned to their old home after eighteen centuries of
exile, dispersion and suffering.
History is older in Palestine than Bishop Ussher supposed. Neanderthal
remains have been unearthed near the Sea of Galilee, and five Neander-
thal skeletons were recently discovered in a cave near Haifa; it appears
likely that the Mousterian culture which flourished in Europe about 40,000
B.C. extended to Palestine. At Jericho neolithic floors and hearths have been
exhumed that carry back the history of the region down to a Middle
Bronze Age (2000-1600 B.C.), in which the towns of Palestine and Syria
had accumulated such wealth as to invite conquest by Egypt. In the fif-
teenth century before Christ Jericho was a well-walled city, ruled by kings
acknowledging the suzerainty of Egypt; the tombs of these kings, ex-
cavated by the Garstang Expedition, contained hundreds of vases, funerary
offerings, and other objects indicating a settled life at Jericho in the time
of the Hyksos domination, and a fairly developed civilization in the days
of Hatshcpsut and Thutmose III. 8 It becomes apparent that the different
dates at which we begin the history of divers peoples are merely the marks
of our ignorance. The Tell-el-Amarna letters carry on the general picture
of Palestinian and Syrian life almost to the entrance of the Jews into
the valley of the Nile. It is probable, though not. certain, that the "Habiru"
spoken of in this correspondence were Hebrews.* 4
The Jews believed that the people of Abraham had come from Ur in
Sumeria, B and had settled in Palestine (ca. 2200 B.C.) a thousand years
* The discoveries here summarized have restored considerable credit to those chapters
of Genesis that record the early traditions of the Jews. In its outlines, and barring
supernatural incidents, the story of the Jews as unfolded in the Old Testament has stood
the test of criticism and archeology; every year adds corroboration from documents,
monuments, or excavations. E.g., potsherds unearthed at Tel Ad-Duweir in 1935 bore
Hebrew inscriptions confirming pan of the narrative of the Books of Kings. 4 * We must
accept the Biblical account provisionally until it is disproved. Cf. Pctric, Egypt and
Israel, London, 1925, p. 108.
CHAP. Xn)" JUDEA 301
or more before Moses; and that the conquest of the Canaanites was
merely a capture by the Hebrews of the land promised them by their
God. The Amraphael mentioned in Genesis (xiv, i ) as "King of Shinar
in those days" was probably Amarpal, father of Hammurabi, and his
predecessor on the throne of Babylon. There are no direct references
in contemporary sources to either the Exodus or the conquest of Canaan; 7
and the only indirect reference is the stele erected by Pharaoh Merneptah
(ca. 1225 B.C.), part of which reads as follows:
The kings arc overthrown, saying "Salam!" . . .
Wasted is Tehenu,
The Hittite land is pacified,
Plundered is Canaan, with every evil, ...
Israel is desolated, her seed is not;
Palestine has become a widow for Egypt,
All lands are united, they are pacified;
Every one that is turbulent is bound by King Merneptah.*
This does not prove that Merneptah was the Pharaoh of the Exodus;
it proves little except that Egyptian armies had again ravaged Palestine.
We cannot tell when the Jews entered Egypt, nor whether they came
to it as freemen or as slaves.* We may take it as likely that the immi-
grants were at first a modest number, 11 and that the many thousands of
Jews in Egypt in Moses' time were the consequence of a high birth rate;
as in all periods, "the more they afflicted them, the more they multiplied
and grew." 13 The story of the "bondage" in Egypt, of the use of the
Jews as slaves in great construction enterprises, their rebellion and escape
or emigration to Asia, has many internal signs of essential truth, mingled,
of course, with supernatural interpolations customary in all the historical
writing of the ancient East. Even the story of Moses must not be rejected
offhand; it is astonishing, however, that no mention is made of him by
either Amos or Isaiah, whose preaching appears to have preceded by a
century the composition of the Pentateuch, f
* Perhaps they followed in the track of the Hyksos, whose Semitic rule in Egypt might
have offered them some protection. 9 Pctrie, accepting the Bible figure of four hundred
and thirty years for the stay of the Jews in Egypt, dates their arrival about 1650 B.C.,
their exit about 1220 B.C. 10
tManetho, an Egyptian historian of the third century B.C., as reported by Josephus,
tells us that the Exodus was due to the desire of the Egyptians to protect themselves
from a plague that had broken out among the destitute and enslaved Jews, and that Moses
was an Egyptian priest who went as a missionary among the Jewish "lepers," and gave
302 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
When Moses led the Jews to Mt. Sinai he was merely following the
route laid down by Egyptian turquoise-hunting expeditions for a thousand
years before him. The account of the forty years' wandering in the
desert, once looked upon as incredible, now seems reasonable enough in
a traditionally nomadic people; and the conquest of Canaan was but one
more instance of a hungry nomad horde falling upon a settled community.
The conquerors killed as many as they could, and married the rest.
Slaughter was unconfined, and (to follow the text) was divinely ordained
and enjoyed; 19 Gideon, in capturing two cities, slew 120,000 men; only
in the annals of the Assyrians do we meet again with such hearty killing,
or easy counting. Occasionally, we are told, "the land rested from
war."" Moses had been a patient statesman, but Joshua was only a plain,
blunt warrior; Moses had ruled bloodlessly by inventing interviews with
God, but Joshua ruled by the second law of naturethat the superior
Killer survives. In this realistic and unsentimental fashion the Jews took
their Promised Land.
II. SOLOMON IN ALL HIS GLORY
Race Appearance Language Organization Judges and
kings SaulDavid SolomonHis 'wealth The Temple
Rise of the social problem in Israel
Of their racial origin we can only say vaguely that they were Semites,
not sharply distinct or different from the other Semites of western Asia;
it was their history that made them, not they who made their history.
At their very first appearance they are already a mixture of many stocks-
only by the most unbelievable virtue could a "pure" race have existed
them laws of cleanliness modeled upon those of the Egyptian clergy. 13 Greek and Roman
writers repeat this explanation of the Exodus; 14 but their anti-Semitic inclinations make
them unreliable guides. One verse of the Biblical account supports Ward's interpretation
of the Exodus as a labor strike: "And the king of Egypt said unto them, Wherefore do
ye, Moses and Aaron, let the people from their works? Get you unto your burdens." 15
Moses is an Egyptian rather than a Jewish name; perhaps it is a shorter form of
Ahmose" Professor Garstang, of the Alarston Expedition of the University of Liverpool,
claims to have discovered, in the royal tombs of Jericho, evidence that Moses was rescued
(precisely in 1527 B.C.) by the then Princess, later the great Queen, Hatshepsut; that he
was brought up by her as a court favorite, and fled from Egypt upon the accession of
her enemy, Thutmosc III." He believes that the material found in these tombs confirms
the story of the fall of Jericho (Joshua, vi); he dates this fall ca. 1400 B.C., and the
Exodus ca. 1447 B.C." As this chronology rests upon the precarious dating of scarabs and
pottery, it must be received with respectful scepticism.
CHAP. XIl) J U D E A 303
among the thousand ethnic cross-currents of the Near East. But the
Jews were the purest of all, for they intermarried only very reluctantly
with other peoples. Hence they have maintained their type with astonish-
ing tenacity; the Hebrew prisoners on the Egyptian and Assyrian reliefs,
despite the prejudices of the artist, are recognizably like the Jews of our
own time: there, too, are the long and curved Hittite nose,* the projecting
cheek-bones, the curly hair and beard; though one cannot see, under
the Egyptian caricature, the scrawny toughness of body, the subtlety
and obstinacy of spirit, that have characterized the Semites from the
"stiff -necked" followers of Moses to the inscrutable Bedouins and trades-
men of today. In the early years of their conquest they dressed in simple
tunics, low-crowned hats or turban-like caps, and easy-going sandals;
as wealth came they covered their feet with leather shoes, and their tunics
with fringed kaftans. Their women, who were among the most beautiful
of antiquity,! painted their cheeks and their eyes, wore all the jewelry
they could get, and adopted to the best of their ability the newest styles
from Babylon, Nineveh, Damascus or Tyre.* 1
Hebrew was among the most majestically sonorous of all the languages
of the earth. Despite its gutturals, it was full of masculine music; Renan
described it as "a quiver full of arrows, a trumpet of brasses crashing
through the air."" It did not differ much from the speech of the Phoeni-
cians or the Moabites. The Jews used an alphabet akin to the Phoenician;*
some scholars believe it to be the oldest alphabet known. 88 * They did not
bother to write vowels, leaving these for the sense to fill in; even today
the Hebrew vowels are mere points adorning the consonants,
The invaders never formed a united nation, but remained for a long
time as twelve more or less independent tribes, organized and ruled on
the principles not of the state but of the patriarchal family. The oldest
head of each family group participated in a council of elders which was
the last court of law and justice in the tribe, and which cooperated with
the leaders of other tribes only under the compulsion of dire emergency.
The family was the most convenient economic unit in tilling the fields
and tending the flocks; this was the source of its strength, its authority,
and its political power. A measure of family communism softened the
rigors of paternal discipline, and created memories to which the prophets
harked back disconsolately in more individualistic days. For when, under
* Cf. p. 287 above.
t Cf . the story of Esther, and the descriptions of Rebecca, Bathsheba, etc.
304 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
Solomon, industry came to the towns, and made the individual the new
economic unit of production, the authority of the family weakened, even
as today, and the inherent order of Jewish life decayed.
The "judges" to whom the tribes occasionally gave a united obedience
were not magistrates, but chieftains or warriors even when they were
priests.* "In those days there was no king in Israel, but every man did that
which was right in his own eyes."* This incredibly Jeff ersonian condition
gave way under the needs of war; the threat of domination by the Philis-
tines brought a temporary unity to the tribes, and persuaded them to
appoint a king whose authority over them should be continuous. The
prophet Samuel warned them against certain disadvantages in rule by
one man:
And Samuel said, This will be the manner of the king that shall
reign over you: He will take your sons and appoint them for him-
self, for his chariots, and to be his horsemen; and some shall run
before his chariots. And he will appoint them captains over thous-
ands, and captains over fifties; and will set them to ear his ground,
and to reap his harvest, and to make his instruments of war, and
instruments of his chariots. And he will take your daughters to be
confectionarics, and to be cooks, and to be bakers. And he will
take your fields, and your vineyards, and your oliveyards, even the
best of them, and give them to his servants. And he will take your
mcnscrvants, and your maidservants, and your goodliest young men,
and your asses, and put them to his work. He will take the tenth
of your sheep, and ye shall be his servants. And yc shall cry out
in that day because of your king which ye shall have chosen you;
and the Lord will not hear you in that day.
Nevertheless the people refused to obey the voice of Samuel;
and they said, Nay, but we shall have a king over us; that we also
may be like all the nations; and that our king may judge us, and
go out before us, and fight our battles."
Their first king, Saul, gave them good and evil instructively: fought
their battles bravely, lived simply on his own estate at Gileah, pursued
young David with murderous attentions, and was beheaded in flight from
the Philistines. The Jews learned, then, at the first opportunity, that wars
of succession are among the appanages of monarchy. Unless the little
epic of Saul, Jonathan and David is merely a masterpiece of literary
CHAP. XIl) J U D E A 305
creation* (for there is no contemporary mention of these personalities
outside the Bible), this first king, after a bloody interlude, was succeeded
by David, heroic slayer of Goliath, tender lover of Jonathan and many
maidens, half -naked dancer of wild dances, 88 seductive player of the harp,
sweet singer of marvelous songs, and able king of the Jews for almost
forty years. Here, so early in literature, is a character fully drawn, real
with all the contradictory' passions of a living soul: as ruthless as his
time, his tribe and his god, and yet as ready to pardon his enemies as
Caesar was, or Christ; putting captives to death wholesale, like any
Assyrian monarch; charging his son Solomon to "bring down to the grave
with blood" the "hoar head" of old Shimei who had cursed him many
years before; 90 taking Uriah's wife into his harem incontinently, and send-
ing Uriah into the front line of battle to get rid of him; 30 accepting
Nathan's rebuke humbly, but keeping the lovely Bathsheba none the less;
forgiving Saul almost seventy times seven, merely taking his shield when
he might have taken his life; sparing and supporting Mephiboshcth, a
possible pretender to his throne; pardoning his ungrateful son Absalom,
who had been caught in armed rebellion, and bitterly mourning that son's
death in treasonable battle against his father ("O my son Absalom! my son,
my son, Absalom! would God I had died for thee, O Absalom, my son, my
son!") 81 this is an authentic man, of full and varied elements, bearing
within him all the vestiges of barbarism, and all the promise of civilization.
On coming to the throne Solomon, for his peace of mind, slew all rival
claimants. This did not disturb Yahveh, who, taking a liking to the young
king, promised him wisdom beyond all men before or after him. 82 Per-
haps Solomon deserves his reputation; for not only did he combine in
his own life the epicurean enjoyment of every pleasure and luxury with
a stoic fulfillment of all his obligations as a king,f but he taught his people
the values of law and order, and lured them from discord and war to in-
dustry and peace. He lived up to his name,| for during his long reign
Jerusalem, w T hich David had made the capital, took advantage of this un-
wonted quiet, and increased and multiplied its wealth. Originally the city
had been built around a well; then it had been turned into a fortress
* Like the jolly story of Samson, who burned the crops of the Philistines by letting
loose in them three hundred foxes with torches tied to their tails, and, in the manner of
some orators, slew a thousand men with the jawbone of an ass." 7
t"He spake three thousand proverbs, and his songs were a thousand and five.""
^ Taken from Shalom, meaning peace.
Mentioned in the Tell-el-Amarna tablets as Ursalimmu, or Urusalim.
306 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
because of its exalted position above the plain; now, though it was not
on the main lines of trade, it became one of the busiest markets of the
Near East. By maintaining the good relations that David had established
with King Hiram of Tyre, Solomon encouraged Phoenician merchants to
direct their caravans through Palestine, and developed a profitable ex-
change of agricultural products from Israel for the manufactured articles
of Tyre and Sidon. He built a fleet of mercantile vessels on the Red
Sea, and persuaded Hiram to use this new route, instead of Egypt, in
trading with Arabia and Africa. 84 It was probably in Arabia that Solomon
mined the gold and precious stones of "Ophir"; 85 probably from Arabia
that the Queen of "Sheba" came to seek his friendship, and perhaps his
aid.* 5 We are told that "the weight of gold that came to Solomon in one
year was six hundred three score and six talents of gold"; 87 and though
this could not compare with the revenues of Babylon, Nineveh or Tyre,
it lifted Solomon to a place among the richest potentates of his time.*
Some of this wealth he used for his private pleasure. He indulged
particularly his hobby for collecting concubines though historians un-
dramatically reduce his "seven hundred wives and three hundred concu-
bines" to sixty and eighty. 90 Perhaps by some of these marriages he wished
to strengthen his friendship with Egypt and Phoenicia; perhaps, like
Rameses II, he was animated with a eugenic passion for transmitting his
superior abilities. But most of his revenues went to the strengthening
of his government and the beautification of his capital. He repaired the
citadel around which the city had been built; he raised forts and stationed
garrisons at strategic points of his realm to discourage both invasion and
revolt. He divided his kingdom, for administrative purposes, into twelve
districts which deliberately crossed the tribal boundaries; by this plan he
hoped to lessen the clannish separatism of the tribes, and to weld them
into one people. He failed, and Judea failed with him. To finance his
government he organized expeditions to mine precious metals, and to
import luxuries and strange delicacies e.g., "ivory, apes and peacocks" 40
which could be sold to the growing bourgeoisie at high prices; he levied
* On the value of the talent in the ancient Near East cf. p. 228 above. The value
varied from time to time; but we should not be exaggerating it if we rated the talent, in
Solomon's day, as having a purchasing power of over $10,000 in our contemporary money.
Probably the Hebrew writer spoke in a literary way, and we must not take his figures
too seriously. On the fluctuations of Hebrew currency cf. the Jewish Encyclopedia,
articles "Numismatics" and "Shekel." Coinage, as distinct from rings or ingots of silver or
gold, docs not appear in Palestine until about 650 B.C.**
CHAP. XIl) J U D E A 307
tolls upon all caravans passing through Palestine; he put a poll tax upon
all his subject peoples, required contributions from every district except
his own, and reserved to the state a monopoly of the trade in yarn, horses
and chariots. 41 Josephus assures us that Solomon "made silver as plentiful
in Jerusalem as stones in the street." 42 Finally he resolved to adorn the
city with a new temple for Yahveh and a new palace for himself.
We gather some sense of the turbulence of Jewish life from the fact
that before this time there had been, apparently, no temple at all in
Judea, not even in Jerusalem; the people had sacrificed to Yahveh in local
sanctuaries or on crude altars in the hills. 43 Solomon called the more sub-
stantial burghers together, announced his plans for a temple, pledged to
it great quantities of gold, silver, brass, iron, wood and precious stones
from his own stores, and gently suggested that the temple would welcome
contributions from the citizens. If we may believe the chronicler, they
pledged for his use five thousand gold talents, ten thousand silver talents,
and as much iron and brass as he might need; "and they with whom
precious stones were found gave them to the treasure of the house of the
Lord." 44 The site chosen was on a hill; the walls of the Temple rose, like
the Parthenon, continuously from the rocky slopes.* The design was in
the style that the Phoenicians had adopted from Egypt, with decorative
ideas from Assyria and Babylon. The Temple was not a church, but a
quadrangular enclosure composed of several buildings. The main struc-
ture was of modest dimensions about one hundred and twenty-four feet
in length, fifty-five in breadth, and fifty-two in height; half the length
of the Parthenon, a quarter of the length of Chartres. 4 ' The Hebrews
who came from all Judea to contribute to the Temple, and later to wor-
ship in it, forgivably looked upon it as one of the wonders of the world;
they had not seen the immensely greater temples of Thebes, Babylon and
Nineveh. Before the main structure rose a "porch" some one hundred
and eighty feet high, overlaid with gold. Gold was spread lavishly about,
if we may credit our sole authority: on the beams of the main ceiling,
on the posts, the doors and the walls, on the candelabra, the lamps, the
snuffers, the spoons, the censers, and "a hundred basins of gold." Precious
stones were inlaid here and there, and two gold-plated cherubim guarded
the Ark of the Covenant. 47 The walls were of great square stones; the ceil-
ing, posts and doors were of carved cedar and olive wood. Most of the
* It is likely that the site of the Temple was that which is now covered by the Moslem
shrine El-haram-esh-sharif ; but no remains of the Temple have been found. 4 "
308 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
building materials were brought from Phoenicia, and most of the skilled
work was done by artisans imported from Sidon and Tyre. 48 The unskilled
labor was herded together by a ruthless corvee of 150,000 men, after the
fashion of the time."
So for seven years the Temple rose, to provide for four centuries a
lordly home for Yahveh. Then for thirteen years more the artisans and
people labored to build a much larger edifice, for Solomon and his harem.
Merely one wing of it "the house of the forest of Lebanon" was four
times as large as the Temple. 00 The walls of the main building were made of
immense stone blocks fifteen feet in length, and were ornamented with statu-
ary, reliefs and paintings in the Assyrian style. The palace contained halls
for the royal reception of distinguished visitors, apartments for the King,
separate quarters for the more important wives, and an arsenal as the final
basis of government. Not a stone of the gigantic edifice survives, and its
site is unknown/ 1
Having established his kingdom, Solomon settled down to enjoy it.
As his reign proceeded he paid less and less attention to religion and fre-
quented his harem rather more than the Temple. The Biblical chroniclers
reproach him bitterly for his gallantry in building altars to the exotic
deities of his foreign wives, and cannot forgive his philosophical or per-
haps political impartiality to the gods. The people admired his wisdom,
but suspected in it a certain centripetal quality; the Temple and the palace
had cost them much gold and blood, and were not more popular with
them than the Pyramids had been with the workingmen of Egypt. The
upkeep of these establishments required considerable taxation, and few
governments have made taxation popular. When he died Israel was ex-
hausted, and a discontented proletariat had been created whose labor
found no steady employment, and whose sufferings were to transform
the warlike cult of Yahveh into the almost socialistic religion of the
prophets.
III. THE GOD OF HOSTS
Polytheism Yahveh Henothcism Character of the Hebrew re-
ligionThe idea of sin Sacrifice Circumcision The priest-
hood Strange gods
Next to the promulgation of the "Book of Law," the building of the
Temple was the most important event in the epic of the Jews. It not only
CHAP. XIl) J U D E A 309
gave Yahveh a home, but it gave Judea a spiritual center and capital, a
vehicle of tradition, a memory to serve as a pillar of fire through centuries
of wandering over the earth. And it played its part in lifting the Hebrew
religion from a primitive polytheism to a faith intense and intolerant, but
none the less one of the creative creeds of history.
As they first entered the historic scene the Jews were nomad Bedouins
who feared the djinns of the air, and worshiped rocks, cattle, sheep, and
the spirits of caves and hills. 58 The cult of the bull, the sheep and the
lamb was not neglected; Moses could never quite win his flock from
adoration of the Golden Calf, for the Egyptian worship of the bull was
still fresh in their memories, and Yahveh was for a long time symbolized
in that ferocious vegetarian. In Exodus (xxxii, 25-28) we read how the
Jews indulged in a naked dance before the Golden Calf, and how Moses
and the Levites or priestly class slew three thousand of them in punish-
ment of their idolatry.* Of serpent worship there are countless traces
in early Jewish history, from the serpent images found in the oldest
ruins, 54 to the brazen serpent made by Moses and worshiped in the Temple
until the time of Hezekiah (ca. 720 B.C.). 06 As among so many peoples,
the snake seemed sacred to the Jews, partly as a phallic symbol of virility,
partly as typifying wisdom, subtlety and eternity literally because of its
ability to make both ends meet." Baal, symbolized in conical upright
stones much like the linga of the Hindus, was venerated by some, of the
Hebrews as the male principle of reproduction, the husband of the land
that he fertilized. 07 Just as primitive polytheism survived in the worship
of angels and saints, and in the teraphim, or portable idols, that served as
household gods, 58 so the magical notions rife in the early cults persisted
to a late day despite the protests of prophets and priests. The people
seem to have looked upon Moses and Aaron as magicians, 611 and to have
patronized professional diviners and sorcerers. Divination was sought at
times by shaking dice (Urim and Thuwmini) out of a box (ephod)-z
ritual still used to ascertain the will of the gods. It is to the credit of the
priests that they opposed these practices, and preached an exclusive reli-
ance on the magic of sacrifice, prayer and contributions.
Slowly the conception of Yahveh as the one national god took form,
and gave to Jewish faith a unity and simplicity lifted up above the chaj
* Other vestiges of animal worship among the ancient Hebrews may be
Kings, xii, 28, and Ezekiel, viii, 10. Ahab, King of Israel, worshiped heifers i
after Solomon."
310 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
multiplicity of the Mesopotamian pantheons. Apparently the conquering
Jews took one of the gods of Canaan, Yahu,* and re-created him in their
own image as a stern, warlike, "stiff-necked" deity, with almost lovable
limitations. For this god makes no claim to omniscience: he asks the Jews
to identify their homes by sprinkling them with the blood of the sacrificial
lamb, lest he should destroy their children inadvertently along with the
first-born of the Egyptians; 81 he is not above making mistakes, of which
man is his worst; he regrets, too late, that he created Adam, or allowed
Saul to become king. He is, now and then, greedy, irascible, bloodthirtsy,
capricious, petulant: "I will be gracious to whom I will be gracious, and
will show mercy to whom I will show mercy."" He approves Jacob's
use of deceit in revenging himself upon Laban; 88 his conscience is as flexible
as that of a bishop in politics. He is talkative, and likes to make long
speeches; but he is shy, and will not allow men to see anything of him
but his hind parts." Never was there so thoroughly human a god.
Originally he seems to have been a god of thunder, dwelling in the
hills," and worshiped for the same reason that the youthful Gorki was a
believer when it thundered. The authors of the Pentateuch, to whom
religion was an instrument of statesmanship, formed this Vulcan into
Mars, so that in their energetic hands Yahvch became predominantly an
imperialistic, expansionist God of Hosts, who fights for his people as
fiercely as the gods of the Iliad. "The Lord is a man of war," says
"Moses";" and David echoes him: "He teacheth my hands to war.""
Yahveh promises to "destroy all the people to whom" the Jews "shall
come," and to drive out the Hivite, the Canaanite and the Hittite "by
little and little"; 88 and he claims as his own all the territory conquered by
the Jews. 8 * He will have no pacifist nonsense; he knows that even a
Promised Land can be won, and held, only by the sword; he is a god of
war because he has to be; it will take centuries of military defeat, political
subjugation, and moral development, to transform him into the gentle
and loving Father of Hillel and Christ. He is as vain as a soldier; he drinks
up praise with a bottomless appetite, and he is anxious to display his
prowess by drowning the Egyptians: "They shall know that I am the
Lord when I have gotten me honor upon Pharaoh." 70 To gain successes
for his people he commits or commands brutalities as repugnant to our
taste as they were acceptable to the morals of the age; he slaughters whole
* Among some Bronze Age (3000 B.C.) ruins found in Canaan in 1931 were pieces of
pottery bearing the name of a Canaanite deity, Yah or Yahu."
CHAP. XIl) J U D E A 311
nations with the naive pleasure of a Gulliver fighting for Lilliput. Be-
cause the Jews "commit whoredom" with the daughters of Moab he bids
Moses: "Take all the heads of the people, and hang them up before the
Lord against the sun"; 71 it is the morality of Ashurbanipal and Ashur. He
offers to show mercy to those who love him and keep his commandments,
but, like some resolute germ, he will punish children for the sins of their
fathers, their grandfathers, even their great-great-grandfathers." He is
so ferocious that he thinks of destroying all the Jews for worshiping the
Golden Calf; and Moses has to argue with him that he should control
himself. "Turn from thy fierce wrath," the man tells his god, "and
repent of this evil against thy people"; and "the Lord repented of the
evil which he thought to do unto his people." 78 Again Yahveh proposes
to exterminate the Jews root and branch for rebelling against Moses, but
Moses appeals to his better nature, and bids him think what people will
say when they hear of such a thing. 74 He asks a cruel test human sacrifice
of the bitterest sort from Abraham. Like Moses, Abraham teaches Yahveh
the principles of morals, and persuades him not to destroy Sodom and
Gomorrah if there shall be found fifty forty thirty twenty ten good
men in those cities; 76 bit by bit he lures his god towards decency, and
illustrates the manner in which the moral development of man compels
the periodical re-creation of his deities. The curses with which Yahveh
tHreatens his chosen people if they disobey him are models of vitupera-
tion, and inspired those who burned heretics in the Inquisition, or ex-
communicated Spinoza:
Cursed shah thou be in the city, and cursed shalt thou be in the
field. . . . Cursed shall be the fruit of thy body, and the fruit of
thy land. . . . Cursed shalt thou be when thou comest in, and
cursed shalt thou be when thou goest out. . . . The Lord shall
smite thee with a consumption, and with a fever, and with an in-
flammation. . . . The Lord will smite thee with the botch of
Egypt, and with the emerods (tumors), and with the scab, and
with the itch, whereof thou canst not be healed. The Lord shall
smite thee with madness, and blindness, and astonishment of heart.
. . . Also every sickness, and every plague, which is not written
in the Book of this Law, them will the Lord bring upon thee,
until thou be destroyed. 71
Yahveh was not the only god whose existence was recognized by the
Jews, or by himself; all that he asked, in the First Commandment, was that
312 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
he should be placed above the rest. "I am a jealous god," he confesses, and
he bids his followers "utterly overthrow" his rivals, and "quite break down
their images." 77 The Jews, before Isaiah, seldom thought of Yahveh as the
god of all tribes, even of all Hebrews. The Moabites had their god Che-
mosh, to whom Naomi thought it right that Ruth should remain loyal; 78
Baalzebub was the god of Ekron, Milcom was the god of Ammon: the eco-
nomic and political separatism of these peoples naturally resulted in what
we might call their theological independence. Moses sings, in his famous
song, "Who is like unto thee, O Lord, among the gods?" 78 and Solomon
says, "Great is our god above all gods." 80 Not only was Tammuz accepted
as a real god by all but the most educated Jews, but his cult was at one time
so popular in Judea that Ezekiel complained that the ritual wailing for Tam-
muz' death could be heard in the Temple. 81 So distinct and autonomous were
the Jewish tribes that even in the time of Jeremiah many of them had their
own deities: "according to the number of thy cities arc thy gods, O
Judah"; and the gloomy prophet goes on to protest against the worship of
Baal and Moloch by his people. 83 With the growth of political unity un-
der David and Solomon, and the centering of worship in the Temple at Jeru-
salem, theology reflected history and politics, and Yahveh became the sole
god of the Jews. Beyond this "hcnotheism"* they made no further prog-
ress towards monotheism until the Prophets.t Even in the Yahvistic stage
the Hebraic religion came closer to monotheism than any other pre-Prophet-
ic faith except the ephemeral sun-worship of Ikhnaton. At least equal as
sentiment and poetry to the polytheism of Babylonia and Greece, Judaism
was immensely superior to the other religions of the time in majesty and
power, in philosophic unity and grasp, in moral fervor and influence.
This intense and sombre religion never took on any of the ornate ritual
and joyous ceremonies that marked the worship of the Egyptian and Baby-
lonian gods. A sense of human nothingness before an arbitrary deity dark-
ened all ancient Jewish thought. Despite the efforts of Solomon to beau-
* A clumsy but useful word coined by Max Miillcr to designate the worship of a god
as supreme, combined with the explicit (as in India) or tacit (as in Judca) admission of
other gods.
tElisha, however, as far back as the ninth century B.C., announced one God: "I know
that there is no God in all the earth but in Israel." 83 It should be remembered that even
modern monotheism is highly relative and incomplete. As the Jews worshiped a tribal
god, so we worship a European god or an English, or a German, or an Italian, god; no
moment of modesty comes to remind us that the abounding millions of India, China and
Japan not to speak of the theologians of the jungle do not yet recognize the God of our
Fathers. Not until the machine weaves all the earth into one economic web, and forces
all the nations under one rule, will there be one god-for the earth.
CHAP. XIl) JUDEA 313
tify the cult of Yahveh with color and sound, the worship of this awful
divinity remained for many centuries a religion of fear rather than of love.
One wonders, in looking back upon these faiths, whether they brought as
much consolation as terror to humanity. Religions of hope and love are a
luxury of security and order; the need for striking fear into a subject or
rebellious people made most primitive religions cults of mystery and dread.
The Ark of the Covenant, containing the sacred scrolls of the Law, sym-
bolized by its untouchability the character of the Jewish creed. When the
pious Uzzah, to prevent the Ark from falling into the dust, caught it for
a moment in his hands, "the anger of the Lord was kindled against Uzzah,
and God smote him there for his error; and there he died." 84
The central idea in Judaic theology was that of sin. Never has another
people been so fond of virtueunless it was those Puritans who seemed to
step out of the Old Testament with no interruption of Catholic centuries.
Since the flesh was weak and the Law complex, sin was inevitable, and the
Jewish spirit was often overcast with the thought of sin's consequences,
from the withholding of rain to the ruin of all Israel. There was no Hell
in this faith as a distinctive place of punishment; but almost as bad was the
Shcol, or "land of darkness" under the earth, which received all the dead,
good and wicked alike, except such divine favorites as Moses, Enoch and
Elijah. The Jews, however, made little reference to a life beyond the
grave; their creed said nothing of personal immortality, and confined its
rewards and punishments to this mundane life. Not until the Jews had lost
hope of earthly triumph did they take over, probably from Persia and per-
haps also from Egypt, the notion of personal resurrection. It was out of
this spiritual denouement that Christianity was born.
The threat and consequence of sin might be offset by prayer or sacrifice.
Semitic, like "Aryan," sacrifice began by offering human victims;" 5 then it
offered animals the "first fruits of the flocks" and food from the fields;
finally it compromised by offering praise. At first no animal might be
eaten unless killed and blessed by the priest, and offered for a moment to
the god. 80 Circumcision partook of the nature of a sacrifice, and perhaps of
a commutation: the god took a part for the whole. Menstruation and child-
birth, like sin, made a person spiritually unclean, and necessitated ritual
purification by priestly sacrifice and prayer. At every turn tabus hedged in
the faithful; sin lay potential in almost every desire, and donations were re-
quired in atonement for almost every sin.
Only the priests could offer sacrifice properly, or explain correctly
the ritual and mysteries of the faith. The priests were a closed caste, to
314 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
which none but the descendants of Levi* could belong. They could not
inherit property," but they were exempt from all taxation, toll, or tribute;"
they levied a tithe upon the harvests of the flocks, and turned to their
own use such offerings to the Temple as were left unused by the god. 90
After the Exile, the wealth of the clergy grew with that of the renascent
community; and since this sacerdotal wealth was well administered,
augmented and preserved, it finally made the priests of the Second
Temple, in Jerusalem as in Thebes and Babylon, more powerful than
the king.
Nevertheless the growth of clerical power and religious education
never quite sufficed to win the Hebrews from superstition and idolatry.
The hill-tops and groves continued to harbor alien gods and to witness
secret rites; a substantial minority of the people prostrated themselves
before sacred stones, or worshiped Baal or Astarte, or practised divination
in the Babylonian manner, or set up images and burned incense to them,
or knelt before the brazen serpent or the Golden Calf, or filled the
Temple with the noise of heathen feasting, 81 or made their children
"pass through the fire" in sacrifice; 08 even some of the kings, like Solomon
and Ahab, went "a-whoring" after foreign gods. Holy men like Elijah
and Elisha arose who, without necessarily becoming priests, preached against
these practices, and tried by the example of their lives to lead their people
into righteousness. Out of these conditions and beginnings, and out of
the rise of poverty and exploitation in Israel, came the supreme figures
in Jewish religion those passionate Prophets who purified and elevated
the creed of the Jews, and prepared it for its vicarious conquest of the
western world.
IV. THE FIRST RADICALS
The class 'war Origin of the Prophets Amos at Jerusalem-
Isaiah His attacks upon the rich His doctrine of a Messiah
The influence of the Prophets
Since poverty is created by wealth, and never knows itself poor until
riches stare it in the face, so it required the fabulous fortune of Solomon
to mark the beginning of the class war in Israel. Solomon, like Peter
and Lenin, tried to move too quickly from an agricultural to an industrial
state. Not only did the toil and taxes involved in his enterprises impose
great burdens upon his people, but when those undertakings were com-
One of the sons of Jacob.
CHAP. XIl) JUDEA 315
plete, after twenty years of industry, a proletariat had been created 'in
Jerusalem which, lacking sufficient employment, became a source of
political faction and corruption in Palestine, precisely as it was to become
in Rome. Slums developed step by step with the rise of private wealth
and the increasing luxury of the court. Exploitation and usury became
recognized practises among the owners of great estates and the merchants
and money-lenders who flocked about the Temple. The landlords of
Ephraim, said Amos, "sold the righteous for silver and the poor for a
pair of shoes." 08
This growing gap between the needy and the affluent, and the sharpen-
ing of that conflict between the city and the country which always
accompanies an industrial civilization, had something to do with the
division of Palestine into two hostile kingdoms after the death of Solo-
mon: a northern kingdom of Ephraim,* with its capital at Samaria, and
a southern kingdom of Judah, with its capital at Jerusalem. From that
time on the Jews were weakened by fraternal hatred and strife, breaking
out occasionally into bitter war. Shortly after the death of Solomon
Jerusalem was captured by Sheshonk, Pharaoh of Egypt, and surrendered,
to appease the conqueror, nearly all the gold that Solomon had gathered
in his long career of taxation.
It was in this atmosphere of political disruption, economic war, and
religious degeneration that the Prophets appeared. The men to whom
the word (in Hebrew, Nabi1[) was first applied were not quite of the
character that our reverence would associate with Amos and Isaiah.
Some were diviners who could read the secrets of the heart and the past,
and foretell the future, according to remuneration; some were fanatics
who worked themselves into a frenzy by weird music, strong drink, or
dervish-like dances, and spoke, in trances, words which their hearers
considered inspired i.e., breathed into them by some spirit other than
their own. 04 Jeremiah speaks with professional scorn of "every man that
is mad, and maketh himself a prophet." 95 Some were gloomy recluses,
like Elijah; many of them lived in schools or monasteries near the temples;
but most of them had private property and wives. 9 * From this motley
crowd of fakirs the Prophets developed into responsible and consistent
critics of their age and their people, magnificent street-corner statesmen
* This kingdom often called itself "Israel"; but this word will be used, in these pages, to
include all the Jews,
t Translated by the Greeks into pro-phe-tes, announcer.
316 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
who were all "thorough-going anti-clericals," 87 and "the most uncom-
promising of anti-Semites," 1 * a cross between soothsayers and socialists.
We misunderstand them if we take them as prophets in the weather
sense; their predictions were hopes or threats, or pious interpolations, 8 "
or prognostications after the event;" the Prophets themselves did not
pretend to foretell, so much as to speak out; they were eloquent members
of the Opposition. In one phase they were Tolstoians incensed at in-
dustrial exploitation and ecclesiastical chicanery; they came up from
the simple countryside, and hurled damnation at the corrupt wealth of
the towns.
Amos described himself not as a prophet but as a s ; rrmlc village
shepherd. Having left his herds to see Beth-El, he was horrified at the
unnatural complexity of the life which he discovered there, the in-
equality of fortune, the bitterness of competition, the ruthlessness of
exploitation. So he "stood in the gate," and lashed the conscienceless rich
and their luxuries:
Forasmuch, therefore, as your treading is upon the poor, and ye
take from him burdens of wheat; ye have built houses of hewn
stone, but ye shall not dwell in them; ye have planted pleasant
vineyards, but ye shall not drink wine of them. . . . Woe to them
that arc at case in Zion, . . . that lie upon beds of ivory, and
stretch themselves upon their couches, and eat the lambs out of the
flock, and the calves out of the midst of the stall; that chant to
the sound of the viol, and invent to themselves instruments of music,
like David; that drink wine in bowls, and anoint themselves with
the chief ointments. . . .
I despise your feast-days (saith the Lord); . . . though ye offer me
burnt offerings and your meat offerings, I will not accept them. . . .
Take thou away from me the noise of thy songs, for I will not hear
the melody of thy viols. But let judgment run down as waters, and
righteousness as a mighty stream. 101
This is a new note in the world's literature. It is true that Amos dulls
the edge of his idealism by putting into the mouth of his god a Mississippi
of threats whose severity and accumulation make the reader sympathize
for a moment with the drinkers of wine and the listeners to music. But
here, for the first time in the literature of Asia, the social conscience takes
definite form, and pours into religion a content that lifts it from ceremony
CHAP. XIl) JUDEA 317
and flattery to a whip of morals and a call to nobility. With Amos begins
the gospel of Jesus Christ.
One of his bitterest predictions seems to have been fulfilled while
Amos was still alive. "Thus saith the Lord: As the shepherd taketh out
of the mouth of the lion two legs, or a piece of an ear, so shall the children
of Israel be taken out that dwell in Samaria in the corner of a bed, and
in Damascus in a couch. . . . And the houses of ivory shall perish, and
the great houses shall have an end." loa * About the same time another
prophet threatened Samaria with destruction in one of those myriads of
vivid phrases which King James's translators minted for the currency of
our speech out of the wealth of the Bible: "The calf of Samaria," said
Hosea, "shall be broken into pieces; for they have sown the wind, and
they shall reap the whirlwind." 104 In 733 the young kingdom of Judah,
threatened by Ephraim in alliance with Syria, appealed to Assyria for
help. Assyria came, took Damascus, subjected Syria, Tyre and Palestine
to tribute, made note of Jewish efforts to secure Egyptian aid, invaded
again, captured Samaria, indulged in unprintable diplomatic exchanges
with the King of Judah, 106 failed to take Jerusalem, and retired to Nineveh
laden with booty and 200,000 Jewish captives doomed to Assyrian
slavery. 108
It was during this siege of Jerusalem that the prophet Isaiah became
one of the great figures of Hebrew history, t Less provincial than Amos,
he thought in terms of enduring statesmanship. Convinced that little
Judah could not resist the imperial power of Assyria, even with the help
of distant Egypt that broken staff which would pierce the hand that
should try to use it he pled with King Ahaz, and then with King
Hezekiah, to remain neutral in the war between Assyria and Ephraim;
like Amos and Hosea he foresaw the fall of Samaria, 108 and the end of the
northern kingdom. When, however, the Assyrians besieged Jerusalem,
Isaiah counseled Hezekiah not to yield. The sudden withdrawal of
Sennacherib's hosts seemed to justify him, and for a time his repute was
high with the King and the people. Always his advice was to deal justly,
*The reference is apparently to the room, made entirely of ivory, in the palace at
Samaria where King Ahab lived with his "painted queen," Jezebel (ca. 875-50 B.C.). Sev-
eral fine ivories have been found by the Harvard Library Expedition in the ruins of a
palace tentatively identified with Ahab's. 108
fThe book that bears his name is a collection of "prophecies" (i.e., sermons) by two
or more authors ranging in time from 710 to 300 B.C. 107 Chapters i-xxxix are usually
ascribed to the "First Isaiah," who is here discussed.
318 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
and then leave the issue to Yahveh, who would use Assyria as his agent
for a time, but in the end would destroy her, too. Indeed, all the nations
known to Isaiah were, according to him, destined to be struck down by
Yahveh; in a few chapters (xvi-xxiii) Moab, Syria, Ethiopia, Egypt,
Babylon and Tyre are dedicated to destruction; "every one shall howl." 109
This ardor for ruination, this litany of curses, mars Isaiah's book, as it
mars all the prophetic literature of the Bible.
Nevertheless his denunciation falls where it belongs upon economic
exploitation and greed. Here his eloquence rises to the highest point
reached in the Old Testament, in passages that are among the peaks of
the world's prose:
The Lord will enter into judgment with the ancients of his people
and the princes thereof; for ye have eaten up the vineyard; the
spoil of the poor is in your houses. What mean ye that ye beat my
people to pieces, and grind the faces of the poor? . . . Woe unto
them that join house to house, that lay field to field, till there be no
place, that they may be placed alone in the midst of the earth! . . .
Woe unto them that decree unrighteous decrees to turn aside the
needy from judgment (justice), and to take away the right from
the poor of my people, that widows may be their prey, and that
they may rob the fatherless. And what will ye do in the day of
visitation, and in the desolation which shall come from afar? to
whom will ye flee for help, and where will ye leave your glory? 1 "
He is filled with scorn of those who, while fleecing the poor, present a
pious face to the world.
To what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me?
saith the Lord. I am full of the burnt offerings of rams, and the
fat of fed beasts. . . . Your appointed feasts my soul hateth; they
are a trouble unto me; I am weary to hear them. And when ye
spread forth your hands I will hide mine eyes from you; yea, when
ye make many prayers I will not hear; your hands are full of blood.
Wash ye, make ye clean, put away the evil of your doings from
before mine eyes, cease to do evil; learn to do well; seek judgment
(justice), relieve the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead for the
widow." 1
He is bitter, but he does not despair of his people; just as Amos had
ended his prophecies with a prediction, strangely apt today, of the
CHAP. Xn) JUDEA 319
restoration of the Jews to their native land, 111 so Isaiah concludes by
formulating the Messianic hope the trust of the Jews in some Redeemer
who will end their political divisions, their subjection, and their misery,
3nd bring an era of universal brotherhood and peace:
Behold, a virgin shall conceive, and bear a son, and shall call
his name Immanuel. . . . For unto us a child is born: and the gov-
ernment shall be upon his shoulder: and his name shall be called
Wonderful, Counsellor, The mighty God, The everlasting Father,
the Prince of Peace. . . . And there shall come forth a rod out
of the stem of Jesse. . . . And the spirit of the Lord shall rest
upon him, the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of
counsel and might, the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the
Lord. . . . With righteousness shall he judge the poor, and re-
prove with equity for the meek of the earth; and he shall smite
the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his
lips shall he slay the wicked. And righteousness shall be the girdle
of his loins, and faithfulness the girdle of his reins. The wolf also
shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with the
kid, and the calf and the young lion and the fading together; and
a little child shall lead them. . . . And they shall beat their swords
into ploughshares, and their spears into priming-hooks: nation shall
not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any
It was an admirable aspiration, but not for many generations yet would
ft express the mood of the Jews. The priests of the Temple listened
with a well-controlled sympathy to these useful encouragements to piety;
certain sects looked back to the Prophets for part of their inspiration; and
perhaps these excoriations of all sensual delight had some share in intensi-
fying the desert-born Puritanism of the Jews. But for the most part the
old life of the palace and the tent, the market-place and the field, went
on as before; war took its choice of every generation, and slavery con-
tinued to be the lot of the alien; the merchant cheated with his scales, 114
and tried to atone with sacrifice and prayer.
It was upon the Judaism of post-Exilic days, and upon the world
through Judaism and Christianity, that the Prophets left their deepest
mark. In Amos and Isaiah is the beginning of both Christianity and
socialism, the spring from which has flowed a stream of Utopias wherein
320 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
no poverty or war shall disturb human brotherhood and peace; they are
the source of the early Jewish conception of a Messiah who would seize
the government, reestablish the temporal power of the Jews, and inaug-
urate a dictatorship of the dispossessed among mankind. Isaiah and Amos
began, in a military age, the exaltation of those virtues of simplicity and
gentleness, of cooperation and friendliness, which Jesus was to make a
vital element in his creed. They were the first to undertake the heavy
task of reforming the God of Hosts into a God of Love; they conscripted
Yahveh for humanitarianism as the radicals of the nineteenth century
conscripted Christ for socialism. It was they who, when the Bible was
printed in Europe, fired the Germanic mind with a rejuvenated Chris-
tianity, and lighted the torch of the Reformation; it was their fierce and
intolerant virtue that formed the Puritans. Their moral philosophy was
based upon a theory that would bear better documentation that the
righteous man will prosper, and the wicked will be struck down; but
even if that should be a delusion it is the failing of a noble miud. The
prophets had no conception of freedom, but they loved justice, and
called for an end to the tribal limitations of morality. They offered to
the unfortunate of the earth a vision of brotherhood that became the
precious and unforgotten heritage of many generations.
V. THE DEATH AND RESURRECTION OF JERUSALEM
The birth of the BibleThe destruction of Jerusalem The Baby-
lonian Captivity Jeremiah Ezekiel The Second Isaiah
The liberation of the Jews The Second Tevnple
Their greatest contemporary influence was on the writing of the Bible.
As the people fell away from the worship of Yahveh to the adoration
of alien gods, the priests began to wonder whether the time had not come
to make a final stand against the disintegration of the national faith.
Taking a leaf from the Prophets, who attributed to Yahveh the passionate
convictions of their own souls, they resolved to issue to the people a com-
munication from God himself, a code of laws that would reinvigorate
the moral life of the nation, and would at the same time attract the
support of the Prophets by embodying the less extreme of their ideas.
They readily won King Josiah to their plan; and about the eighteenth
year of his reign the priest Hilkiah announced to the King that he had
"found" in the secret archives of the Temple an astonishing scroll in
CHAP. XIl) JUDEA 321
which the great Moses himself, at the direct dictation of Yahveh, had
settled once for all those problems of history and conduct that were
being so hotly debated by prophets and priests. The discovery made a
great stir. Josiah called the elders of Judah to the Temple, and there read
to them the "Book of the Covenant" in the presence (we are told) of
thousands of people. Then he solemnly swore that he would henceforth
abide by the laws of this book; and "he caused all that were present to
stand to it." 115
We do not know just what this "Book of the Covenant" was; it may
have been Exodus xx-xxiii, or it may have been Deuteronomy. 11 ' We need
not suppose that it had been invented on the spur of the situation; it
merely formulated, and put into writing, decrees, demands and exhorta-
tions which for centuries had emanated from the prophets and the Temple.
In any event, those who heard the reading, and even those who only
heard of it, were deeply impressed. Josiah took advantage of this mood to
raid the altars of Yahveh's rivals in Judah; he cast "out of the temple of
the Lord all the vessels that were made for Baal," he put down the
idolatrous priests, and "them also that burned incense unto Baal, to the
sun, and to the moon, and to the planets"; he "defiled Topheth, ....
that no man might make his son or his daughter to pass through the fire
to Molech"; and he smashed the altars that Solomon had built for Che-
mosh, Milcom and Astarte. 1 "
These reforms did not seem to propitiate Yahveh, or bring him to the
aid of his people. Nineveh fell as the Prophets had foretold, but only
to leave little Judah subject first to Egypt and then to Babylon. When
Pharaoh Necho, bound for Syria, tried to pass through Palestine, Josiah,
relying upon Yahveh, resisted him on the ancient battle-site of Megiddo
only to be defeated and slain. A few years later Nebuchadrezzar over-
whelmed Necho at Carchemish, and made Judah a Babylonian depend-
ency. Josiah's successors sought by secret diplomacy to liberate them-
selves from the clutch of Babylon, and thought to bring Egypt to their
rescue; but the fiery Nebuchadrezzar, getting wind of it, poured his
soldiery into Palestine, captured Jerusalem, took King Jchoiakim prisoner,
put Zedckiah on the throne of Judah, and carried 10,000 Jews into bond-
age. But Zedekiah, too, loved liberty, or power, and rebelled against
Babylon. Thereupon Nebuchadrezzar returned, and resolving to settle
the Jewish problem once and for all, as he thought recaptured Jerusalem,
burned it to the ground, destroyed the Temple of Solomon, slew Zedc-
322 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
kiah's sons before his face, gouged out his eyes, and carried practically
all the population of the city into captivity in Babylonia." 8 Later a Jewish
poet sang one of the world's great songs about that unhappy caravan:
By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea, we wept, when
we remembered Zion.
We hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof.
For there they that carried us away captive required of us a song;
and they that wasted us required of us mirth, saying, Sing us one
of the songs of Zion.
How shall we sing the Lord's song in a strange land?
If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning.
If I do not remember thec, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my
mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy. uo
In all this crisis the bitterest and most eloquent of the Prophets defended
Babylon as a scourge in the hands of God, denounced the rulers of Judah
as obstinate fools, and advised such complete surrender to Nebuchadrezzar
that the modern reader is tempted to wonder could Jeremiah have been
a paid agent of Babylonia. "I have made the earth, the man and the
beast that arc upon the ground," says Jeremiah's God, . . . "and now have
I given all those lands into the hand of Nebuchadrezzar, the King of
Babylon, my servant. . . . And all nations shall serve him. And it shall
come to pass, that the nation and kingdom which will not serve the
same Nebuchadrezzar, the King of Babylon, and that will not put their
neck under the yoke of the King of Babylon, that nation will I punish,
saith the Lord, with the sword, and with the famine, and with the pesti-
lence, until I have consumed them by his hand." 120
He may have been a traitor, but the book of his prophecies, supposedly
taken down by his disciple Baruch, is not only one of the most passion-
ately eloquent writings in all literature, as rich in vivid imagery as in
merciless abuse, but it is marked with a sincerity that begins as a diffident
self-questioning, and ends with honest doubts about his own course and
all human life. "Woe is me, my mother, that thou hast borne me, a man
of strife, and a man of contention to the whole earth! I have neither lent
on usury, nor men have lent to me on usury; yet every one of them doth
curse me. . . . Cursed be the day wherein I was born." 131 A flame of in-
dignation burned in him at the sight of moral depravity and political folly
in his people and its leaders; he felt inwardly compelled to stand in the
CHAP.XIl) JUDEA 323
gate and call Israel to repentance. All this national decay, all this weak-
ening of the state, this obviously imminent subjection of Judah to Babylon,
were, it seemed to Jeremiah, Yahveh's hand laid upon the Jews in punish-
ment for their sins. "Run ye to and fro through the streets of Jerusalem,
and see now, and know, and seek in the broad places thereof, if ye can
find a man, if there be any that executeth judgment, that seeketh the
truth; and I will pardon it." 1 * 5 Everywhere iniquity ruled, and sex ran
riot; men "were as fed horses in the morning; every one neighed after
his neighbor's wife." 183 When the Babylonians besieged Jerusalem the
rich men of the city, to propitiate Yahveh, released their Hebrew slaves;
but when for a time the siege was raised, and the danger seemed past,
the rich apprehended their former slaves, and forced them into their old
bondage: it was a summary of human history that Jeremiah could not
bear silently. 134 Like the other Prophets, he denounced those hypocrites
who with pious faces brought to the Temple some part of the gains they
had made from grinding the faces of the poor; the Lord, he reminded
them, in the eternal lesson of all finer religion, asked not for sacrifice but
for justice. 185 The priests and the prophets, he thinks, are almost as false
and corrupt as the merchants; they, too, like the people, need to be
morally reborn, to be (in Jeremiah's strange phrase) circumcised in the
spirit as well as in the flesh. "Circumcise yourselves to the Lord, and take
away the foreskins of your heart." 120
Against these abuses the Prophet preached with a fury rivaled only
by the stern saints of Geneva, Scotland and England. Jeremiah cursed
the Jews savagely, and took some delight in picturing the ruin of all who
would not heed him. 127 Time and again he predicted the destruction
of Jerusalem and the captivity in Babylon, and wept over the doomed
city (whom he called the daughter of Zion) in terms anticipatory of
Christ: "Oh, that my head were waters, and mine eyes a fountain of
tears, that I might weep day and night for the slain of the daughter of
my people!" 1 * 8
To the "princes" of Zedekiah's court all this seemed sheer treason;
it was dividing the Jews in counsel and spirit in the very hour of war.
Jeremiah tantalized them by carrying a wooden yoke around his neck, ex-
plaining that all Judah must submit the more peaceably the better to
the yoke of Babylon; and when Ilananiah tore this yoke away Jeremiah
cried out that Yahveh would make yokes of iron for all the Jews. The
priests tried to stop him by putting his head into the stocks; but from
324 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
even that position he continued to denounce them. They arraigned him
in the Temple, and wished to kill him, but through some friend among the
priests he escaped. Then the princes arrested him, and lowered him by
ropes into a dungeon filled with mire; but Zedekiah had him raised to
milder imprisonment in the palace court. There the Babylonians found
him when Jerusalem fell. On Nebuchadrezzar's orders they treated him
well, and exempted him from the general exile. In his old age, says ortho-
dox tradition, 1381 he wrote his "Lamentations," the most eloquent of all the
books of the Old Testament. He mourned now the completeness of his
triumph and the desolation of Jerusalem, and raised to heaven the un-
answerable questions of Job:
How doth the city sit solitary that was full of people! how she is
become as a widow! she that was great among the nations, and
princess among the provinces, how is she become tributary! . . .
Is it nothing to you, all ye that pass by? Behold, and see if there
be any sorrow like unto my sorrow. . . . Righteous art thou, O
Lord, when I plead with dice: yet let us talk with dice of thy
judgments: Wherefore doth the way of the wicked prosper?
Wherefore are all they happy that deal very treacherously? 13 "
Meanwhile, in Babylon, another preacher was taking up the burden of
prophecy. Ezekicl belonged to a priestly family that had been driven
to Babylon in the first deportation from Jerusalem. He began his preach-
ing, like the First Isaiah and Jeremiah, with fierce denunciations of idol-
atry and corruption in Jerusalem. At great length he compared Jerusa-
lem to a harlot, because she sold the favors of her worship to strange
gods; 110 he described Samaria and Jerusalem as twin whores; this word was
as popular with him as with the dramatists of the Stuart Restoration. He
made long lists of the sins of Jerusalem, and then condemned her to cap-
ture and destruction. Like Isaiah, he doomed the nations impartially, and
announced the sins and fall of Moab, Tyre, Egypt, Assyria, even of the
mysterious kingdom of Magog." 1 But he was not as bitter as Jeremiah; in
the end he relented, declared that the Lord would save "a remnant" of the
Jews, and foretold the resurrection of their city; 133 he described in vision
the new Temple that would be built there, and outlined a Utopia in which
the priests would be supreme, and in which Yahveh would dwell among
his people forever.
CHAP.XIl) JUDEA 325
He hoped, with this happy ending, to keep up the spirits of the exiles,
and to retard their assimilation into the Babylonian culture and blood.
Then as now it seemed that this process of absorption would destroy the
unity, even the identity, of the Jews. They flourished on Mesopotamia's
rich soil, they enjoyed considerable freedom of custom and worship, they
grew rapidly in numbers and wealth, and prospered in the unwonted
tranquillity and harmony which their subjection had brought to them. An
ever-rising proportion of them accepted the gods of Babylon, and the
epicurean ways of the old metropolis. When the second generation of
exiles grew up, Jerusalem was almost forgotten.
It was the function of the unknown author who undertook to complete
the Book of Isaiah to restate the religion of Israel for this backsliding gen-
eration; and it was his distinction, in restating it, to lift it to the loftiest
plane that any religion had yet reached amid all the faiths of the Near
East.* While Buddha in India was preaching the death of desire, and
Confucius in China was formulating wisdom for his people, this "Sec-
ond Isaiah," in majestic and luminous prose, announced to the exiled Jews
the first clear revelation of monotheism, and offered them a new god, in-
finitely richer in "lovingkindness" and tender mercy than the bitter Yah-
veh even of the First Isaiah. In words that a later gospel was to choose
as spurring on the young Christ, this greatest of Prophets announced his
mission no longer to curse the people for their sins, but to bring them
hope in their bondage. "The Spirit of the Lord God is upon me; because
the Lord hath anointed me to preach good tidings unto the meek; he hath
sent me to bind up the broken-hearted, to proclaim liberty to the captives,
and the opening of the prison to them that are bound." 13 " 1 For he has dis-
covered that Yah veh is not a god of war and vengeance, but a loving
father; the discovery fills him with happiness, and inspires him to mag-
nificent songs. He predicts the coming of the new god to rescue his
people:
The voice of him that crieth in the wilderness, Prepare ye the
way of the Lord, make straight in the desert a highway for our
God. Every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill
* We know nothing of the history of this writer, who, by a literary device and license
common to his time, chose to speak in the name of Isaiah. We merely guess that he
wrote shortly before or after Cyrus liberated the Jews. Biblical scholarship assigns to him
chapters xl-lv, and to another and later unknown, or unknowns, chapters Ivi-lxvi." 9 *
326 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
shall be made low; and the crooked shall be made straight, and the
rough places plain.* . . . Behold, the Lord God will come with
strong hand, and his arm shall rule for him. . . . He shall feed
his flock like a shepherd; he shall gather the lambs with his arm,
and carry them in his bosom and shall gently lead those that are
with young.
The prophet then lifts the Messianic hope to a place among the ruling
ideas of his people, and describes- the "Servant" who will redeem Israel
by vicarious sacrifice:
He is despised and rejected of men; a man of sorrows, and ac-
quainted with grief; ... he was despised, and we esteemed him not.
Surely he hath borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows; yet we
did esteem him stricken, smitten of God, and afflicted. But he was
wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities;
the chastisement of our peace was upon him; and with his stripes
we are healed. . . . The -Lord hath laid on him the iniquity of us
all.t 184
Persia, the Second Isaiah predicts, will be the instrument of this lib-
eration. Cyrus is invincible; he will take Babylon, and will free the Jews
from their captivity. They will return to Jerusalem and build a new
Temple, a new city, a very paradise: "the wolf and the lamb shall feed
together, and the lion shall eat straw like a bullock; and dust shall be the
serpent's meat. They shall not hurt or destroy in all my holy mountain,
saith the Lord." 135 Perhaps it was the rise of Persia, and the spread of its
power, subjecting all the states of the Near East in an imperial unity
vaster and better governed than any social organization men had yet
known, that suggested to the Prophet the conception of one universal
deity. No longer does his god say, like the Yahveh of Moses, "I am the
Lord thy God; . . . thou shah not have strange gods before me"; now it
is written: "I am the Lord, and there is none else, there is no god besides
me." 13a The prophet-poet describes this universal deity in one of the great
passages of the Bible:
Who hath measured the waters in the hollow of his hand, and
meted out heaven with the span, and comprehended the dust of
Referring, presumably, to the road from Babylon to Jerusalem.
t Modern research does not regard the "Servant" as the prophetic portrayal of Jesus. 1 * 4 *
CHAP. Xlj) JUDEA 327
the earth in a measure, and weighed the mountains in scales, and
the hills in a balance? Behold, the nations are as a drop of a bucket,
and are counted as the small dust of the balance; behold, he taketh
up the isles as a very little thing. All nations before him are as
nothing, and they are counted to him less than nothing, and vanity.
To whom, then, will ye liken God, or what likeness will ye com-
pare with him? It is he that sitteth upon the circle of the earth, and
the inhabitants thereof are as grasshoppers; that stretcheth out the
heavens as a curtain, and spreadeth them out as a tent to dwell in.
Lift up your eyes on high, and behold who hath created these
things. m
It was a dramatic hour in the history of Israel when at last Cyrus entered
Babylon as a world-conqueror, and gave to the exiled Jews full freedom
to return to Jerusalem. He disappointed some of the Prophets, and
showed his superior civilization, by leaving Babylon and its population
unhurt, and offering a sceptical obeisance to its gods. He restored to the
Jews what remained in the Babylonian treasury of the gold and silver
taken by Nebuchadrezzar from the Temple, and instructed the communi-
ties in which the exiles lived to furnish them with funds for their long
journey home. The younger Jews were not enthusiastic at this libera-
tion; many of them had sunk strong roots into Babylonian soil, and
hesitated to abandon their fertile fields and their flourishing trade for the
desolate ruins of the Holy City. It was not until two years after Cyrus*
coming that the first detachment of zealots set out on the long three
months' journey back to the land which their fathers had left half a
century before. 138
They found themselves, then as now, not entirely welcome in their
ancient home. For meanwhile other Semites had settled there, and had
made the soil their own by occupation and toil; and these tribes looked
with hatred upon the apparent invaders of what seemed to them their
native fields. The returning Jews could not possibly have established them-
selves had it not been for the strong and friendly empire that protected
them. The prince Zerubbabel won permission from the Persian king,
Darius I, to rebuild the Temple; and though the immigrants were small in
number and resources, and the work was hindered at every step by the
attacks and conspiracies of a hostile population, it was carried to com-
pletion within some twenty-two years after the return. Slowly Jerusalem
became again a Jewish city, and the Temple resounded with the psalms of
328 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
a rescued remnant resolved to make Judea strong again. It was a great
triumph, surpassed only by that which we have seen in our own historic
time.
VI. THE PEOPLE OF THE BOOK
The "Book of the Law" The composition of the Pentateuch
The myths of "Genesis"-The Mosaic Code-The Ten Com-
mandments The Idea of God The sabbath The
Jewish family Estimate of the Mosaic legislation
To build a military state was impossible, Judea had neither the num-
bers nor the wealth for such an enterprise. Since some system of order
was needed that, while recognizing the sovereignty of Persia, would give
the Jews a natural discipline and a national unity, the clergy undertook
to provide a theocratic rule based, like Josiah's, on priestly traditions and
laws promulgated as divine commands. About the year 444 B.C. Ezra, a
learned priest, called the Jews together in solemn assembly, and read to
them, from morn to midday, the "Book of the Law of Moses." For seven
days he and his fellow Levites read from these scrolls; at the end the
priests and the leaders of the people pledged themselves to accept this
body of legislation as their constitution and their conscience, and to
obey it forever. 180 From those troubled times till ours that Law has been
the central fact in the life of the Jews; and their loyalty to it through all
wanderings and tribulations has been one of the impressive phenomena of
history.
What was this "Book of the Law of Moses"? Not quite the same as
that "Book of the Covenant" which Josiah had read; for the latter had
admitted of being completely read twice in a day, while the other needed
a week. 140 We can only guess that the larger scroll constituted a substan-
tial part of those first five books of the Old Testament which the Jews
call Torah or the Law, and which others call the Pentateuch. 141 * How,
when, and where had these books been written? This is an innocent ques-
tion which has caused the writing of fifty thousand volumes, and must
here be left unanswered in a paragraph.
The consensus of scholarship is that the oldest elements in the Bible are
those distinct and yet similar legends of Genesis which are called "J" and
* Torah is Hebrew for Direction, Guidance; Pentateuch is Greek for Five Rolls.
CHAP. XIl) JUDEA 329
"E" respectively because one speaks of the Creator as Jehovah (Yahveh),
while the other speaks of him as Elohim.* It is believed that the Yahvist
narrative was written in Judah, the Elohist in Ephraim, and that the two
stories fused into one after the fall of Samaria. A third element, known as
"D," and embodying the Deuteronomic Code, is probably by a distinct au-
thor or group of authors. A fourth clement, "P," is composed of sections
later inserted by the priests; this "Priestly Code" is probably the substance
of the "Book of the Law" promulgated by Ezra. 1420 The four compositions
appear to have taken their present form about 300 B.C. 148
These delightful tales of the Creation, the Temptation and the Flood
were drawn from a storehouse of Mcsopotamian legend as old as 3000 B.C.;
we have seen some early forms of them in the course of this history. It is
possible that the Jews appropriated some of these myths from Babylonian
literature during the Captivity; 144 it is more likely that they had adopted
them long before, from ancient Semitic and Sumerian sources common to
all the Near East. The Persian and the Talmudic forms of the Creation
myth represent God as first making a two-scxcd being a male and a female
joined at the back like Siamese twins and then dividing it as an after-
thought. We are reminded of a strange sentence in Genesis (v, 2): "Male
and female created he them, and blessed them, and called their name Adam":
i.e., our first parent was originally both male and female which seems to
have escaped all theologians except Aristophanes.t
The legend of Paradise appears in almost all folklore in Egypt, India,
Tibet, Babylonia, Persia, Greece,^ Polynesia, Mexico, etc. 145 Most of these
Edens had forbidden trees, and were supplied with serpents or dragons that
stole immortality from men, or otherwise poisoned Paradise. 147 Both the
serpent and the fig were probably phallic symbols; behind the myth is the
thought that sex and knowledge destroy innocence and happiness, and are
the origin of evil; we shall find this same idea at the end of the Old Testa-
ment in Ecclcsiastes as here at the beginning. In most of these stories
* A distinction first pointed out by Jean Astruc in 1753. Passages generally ascribed to
the "Yahvist" account: Gen. ii, 4 to in, 24, iv, vi-vni, xi, 1-9, xii-xiii, xviii-xix, xxiv, xxvii,
1-45, xxxii, xliii-xliv; Exod. iv-v, viii, 20 to ix, 7, x-xi, xxxiii, 12 to xxxiv, 26; Numb, x,
29-36, xi, etc. Distinctly "Elohist" passages: Gen. xi, 10-32, xx, 1-17, xxi, 8-32, xxii, 1-14,
xl-xlii, xlv; Exod. xviii, 20-23, xx-xxii, xxxiii, 7-11; Numb, xii, xxii-xxiv, etc. 143
tCf. Plato's Symposium.
Cf. the Greek poet Hesiod (ca. 75on.c.), in Works and Days: "Men lived like gods,
without vices or passions, vexations or toil. In happy companionship with divine beings
they passed their days in tranquillity and joy. ... The earth was more beautiful then than
now, and spontaneously yielded an abundant variety of fruits. . . . Men were considered
mere boys at one hundred years old." 14 *
THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
woman was the lovely-evil agent of the serpent or the devil, whether as
Eve, or Pandora, or the Poo See of Chinese legend. "All things," says the
Shi-ching, "were at first subject to man, but a woman threw us into
slavery. Our misery came not from heaven but from woman; she lost the
human race. Ah, unhappy Poo See! Thou kindled the fire that consumes
us, and which is every day increasing. . . . The world is lost. Vice over-
flows all things."
Even more universal was the story of the Flood; hardly an ancient people
went without it, and hardly a mountain in Asia but had given perch to some
water-wearied Noah or Shamash-napishtim. 148 Usually these legends were the
popular vehicle or allegory of a philosophical judgment or a moral attitude
summarizing long racial experience that sex and knowledge bring more
grief than joy, and that human life is periodically threatened by floods, i.e.,
ruinous inundations of the great rivers whose waters made possible the earliest
known civilizations. To ask whether these stories are true or false, whether
they "really happened," would be to put a trivial and superficial question;
their substance; of course, is not the tales they tell but the judgments they
convey. Meanwhile it would be unwise not to enjoy their disarming sim-
plicity, and the vivid swiftness of their narratives.
The books which Josiah and Ezra caused to be read to the people
formulated that "Mosaic" Code on which all later Jewish life was to be
built. Of this legislation the cautious Sarton writes: "Its importance in
the history of institutions and of law cannot be overestimated." 148 It was
the most thoroughgoing attempt in history to use religion as a basis of
statesmanship, and as a regulator of every detail of life; the Law became,
says Renan, "the tightest garment into which life was ever laced." 1110 Diet,*
medicine, personal, menstrual and natal hygiene, public sanitation, sexual
inversion and bestiality 169 all are made subjects of divine ordinance and
guidance; again we observe how slowly the doctor was differentiated
from the priest 1 " to become in time his greatest enemy. Leviticus (xiii-
xv) legislates carefully for the treatment of venereal disease, even to the
most definite directions for segregation, disinfection, fumigation and, if
necessary, the complete burning of the house in which the disease has run
*Cf. Dcut. xiv. Reinach, Roberston Smith and Sir James Frazer have attributed the
avoidance of pork not to hygienic knowledge and precaution but to the totemic worship
of the pig (or wild boar) by the ancestors of the Jews. 1 * 1 The "worship" of the wild
boar, however, may have been merely a priestly means of making it tabu in the sense of
"unclean." The great number of wise hygienic rules in the Mosaic Code warrant a
humble scepticism of Reinach's interpretation.
CHAP. XIl) JUDEA 331
its course." 4 * "The ancient Hebrews were the founders of prophy-
laxis," 188 but they seem to have had no surgery beyond circumcision. This
rite common among ancient Egyptians and modern Semites was not
only a sacrifice to God and a compulsion to racial loyalty, t it was a
hygienic precaution against sexual uncleanliness. 1 Perhaps it was this
Code of Cleanliness that helped to preserve the Jews through their long
Odyssey of dispersion and suffering.
For the rest the Code centered about those Ten Commandments (Exodus,
xx, 1-17) which were destined to receive the lip-service of half the world.J
The first laid the foundation of the new theocratic community, which was to
rest not upon any civil law, but upon the idea of God; he was the Invisible
King who dictated every law and meted out every penalty; and his people
were to be called Israel, as meaning the Defenders of God. The Hebrew
state was dead, but the Temple remained; the priests of Judea, like the Popes
of Rome, would try to restore what the kings had failed to save. Hence the
explicitness and reiteration of the First Commandment: heresy or blasphemy
must be punished with death, even if the heretic should be one's closest kin. 181
The priestly authors of the Code, like the pious Inquisitors, believed that re-
ligious unity was an indispensable condition of social organization and soli-
darity. It was this intolerance, and their racial pride, that embroiled and
preserved the Jews.
The Second Commandment elevated the national conception of God at
the expense of art: no graven images were ever to be made of him. It as-
sumed a high intellectual level among the Jews, for it rejected superstition
* The procedure recommended by Leviticus (xiii-xiv) in cases of leprosy was practised
in Europe to the end of the Middle Ages. 1 * 5
fBy making race ultimately unconcealablc. "The Jewish rite," says Briffault, "did not
assume its present form until so late a period as that of the Maccabees (167 B.C.). At that
date it was still performed in such a manner that the jibes of Gentile women could be
evaded, little trace of the operation being perceptible. The nationalistic priesthood there-
fore enacted that the prepuce should be completely removed." 1 "
:}: It was the usual thing for ancient law-codes to be bf divine origin. We have seen
how the laws of Egypt were given it by the god Thoth, and how the sun-god Shamash
begot Hammurabi's code. In like manner a deity gave to King Minos on Mt. Dicta the
laws that were to govern Crete; the Greeks represented Dionysus, whom they also called
"The Lawgiver," with two tables of stone on which laws were inscribed; and the pious
Persians tell how, one day, as Zoroaster prayed on a high mountain, Ah ura -Mazda ap-
peared to him amid thunder and lightning, and delivered to him "The Book of the
Law." w "They did all this," says Diodorus, "because they believed that a conception
which would help humanity was marvelous and wholly divine; or because they held that
the common crowd would be more likely to obey the laws if their gaze were directed
towards the majesty and power of those to whom their laws were ascribed." 1 *
33 2 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
and anthropomorphism, and despite the all-too-human quality of the Penta-
teuch Yahvch tried to conceive of God as beyond every form and image.
It conscripted Hebrew devotion for religion, and left nothing, in ancient days,
for science and art; even astronomy was neglected, lest corrupt diviners
should multiply, or the stars be worshiped as divinities. In Solomon's Temple
there had been an almost heathen abundance of imagery; 108 in the new Temple
there was none. The old images had been carried off to Babylon, and ap-
parently had not been returned along with utensils of silver and gold. 104 Hence
we find no sculpture, painting or bas-relief after the Captivity, and very little
before it except under the almost alien Solomon; architecture and music were
the only arts that the priests would allow. Song and Temple ritual redeemed
the life of the people from gloom; an orchestra of several instruments joined
"as one to make one sound" with a great choir of voices to sing the psalms
that glorified the Temple and its God. 1 " "David and all the house of Israel
played before the Lord on harps, psalteries, timbrels, cornets and cymbals." 16 "
The Third Commandment typified the intense piety of the Jew. Not only
would he not "take the name of the Lord God in vain"; he would never pro-
nounce it; even when he came upon the name of Yahveh in his prayers he
would substitute for it AdonaiLord* Only the Hindus would rival this
piety.
The Fourth Commandment sanctified the weekly day of rest as a Sabbath,
and passed it down as one of the strongest institutions of mankind. The name,
and perhaps the custom came from Babylon; shabattu was applied by the
Babylonians to "tabu" days of abstinence and propitiation. 188 Besides this week-
ly holyday there were great festivals once Canaanitc vegetation rites remi-
niscent of sowing and harvesting, and the cycles of moon and sun: Mazzoth
originally celebrated the beginning of the barley harvest; Shabuoth, later
called Pentecost, celebrated the end of the wheat harvest; Sukkoth com-
memorated the vintage; Pesach y or Passover, was the feast of the first fruits
of the flock; Rosh-ha-shanah announced the New Year; only later were these
festivals adapted to commemorate vital events in the history of the Jews. lfl8a
On the first day of the Passover a lamb or kid was sacrificed and eaten, and
its blood was sprinkled upon the doors as the portion of the god; later the
priests attached this custom to the story of Yahveh's slaughter of the first-
born of the Egyptians. The lamb was once a totem of a Canaanite clan; the
* In Hebrew Yahveh is written as Jhvh; this was erroneously translated into Jehovah
because the vowels a-o-a had been placed over Jhvh in the original, to indicate that
Adonai was to be pronounced in place of Yahveh; and the theologians of the Renaissance
and the Reformation wrongly supposed that these vowels were to be placed between the
consonants of Jhvb
CHAP. XIl) JUDEA 333
Passover, among the Canaanites, was the oblation of a lamb to the local god.*
As we read (Exod., xi) the story of the establishment of the Passover rite,
and see the Jews celebrating that same rite steadfastly today, we feel again
the venerable antiquity of their worship, and the strength and tenacity of
their race.
The Fifth Commandment sanctified the family, as second only to the
Temple in the structure of Jewish society; the ideals then stamped upon
the institution marked it throughout medieval and modern European
history until our own disintegrative Industrial Revolution. The Hebrew
patriarchal family was a vast economic and political organization, com-
posed of the oldest married male, his wives, his unmarried children, his
married sons with their wives and children, and perhaps some slaves.
The economic basis of the institution was its convenience for cultivating
the soil; its political value lay in its providing a system of social order so
strong that it made the stateexcept in war almost superfluous. The
father's authority was practically unlimited; the land was his, and his chil-
dren could survive only by obedience to him; he was the state. If he was
poor he could sell his daughter, before her puberty, as a bondservant; and
though occasionally he condescended to ask her consent, he had full
right to dispose of her in marriage as he wished. 1 " 8 Boys were supposed
to be products of the right testicle, girls of the left which was believed
to be smaller and weaker than the right. 170 At first marriage was matrilocal;
the man had to "leave his father and mother and cleave to his wife" in her
clan; but this custom gradually died out after the establishment of the
monarchy. Yahveh's instructions to the wife were: "Thy desire shall be
to thy husband, and he shall rule over thee." Though technically sub-
ject, the woman was often a person of high authority and dignity; the
history of the Jews shines with such names as Sarah, Rachel, Miriam and
Esther; Deborah was one of the judges of Israel, 1 " and it was the prophet-
ess Huldah whom Josiah consulted about the Book which the priests had
found in the Temple. 173 The mother of many children was certain of
security and honor. For the little nation longed to increase and multiply,
feeling, as in Palestine today, its dangerous numerical inferiority to the
peoples surrounding it; therefore it exalted motherhood, branded celibacy
as a sin and a crime, made marriage compulsory after twenty, even in
* Later this gentle and ancient totem became the Paschal Lamb of Christianity, iden-
tified with the dead Christ.
334 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
priests, abhorred marriageable virgins and childless women, and looked
upon abortion, infanticide and other means of limiting population as
heathen abominations that stank in the nostrils of the Lord. 174 "And when
Rachel saw that she bare Jacob no children, Rachel envied her sister;
and said unto Jacob, Give me children, or else I die." 17 * The perfect wife
was one who labored constantly in and about her home, and had no
thought except in her husband and her children. The last chapter of
Proverbs states the male ideal of woman completely:
Who can find a virtuous woman? For her price is far above
rubies. The heart of her husband doth safely trust in her, so that he
shall have no need of spoil. She will do him good and not evil all
the days of her life. She seeketh wool, and flax, and worketh will-
ingly with her hands. She is like the merchants' ships; she bringeth
her food from afar. She riseth also while it is yet night, and giveth
meat to her household, and a portion to her maidens. She consider-
eth a field, and buyeth it; with the fruit of her hands she planteth a
vineyard. She girdeth her loins with strength, and strengthened! her
arms. She perceiveth that her merchandise is good; her candle goeth
not out by night. She layeth her hands to the spindle, and her hands
hold the distaff. She stretcheth out her hand to the poor; yea, she
reachcth forth her hands to the needy. . . . She makcth herself cover-
ings of tapestry; her clothing is silk and purple. Her husband is
known in the gates, when he sitteth among the elders of the land.
She maketh fine linen, and selleth it; and delivered! girdles unto the
merchant. Strength and honor are her clothing; and she shall re-
joice in time to come. She openeth her mouth with wisdom, and in
her tongue is the law of kindness. She looketh well to the ways of
her household, and eatcth not the bread of idleness. Her children
arise up and call her blessed; her husband also, and he praiseth her.
. . . Give her of the fruit of her hands; and let her own works praise
her in the gates.*
The Sixth Commandment was a counsel of perfection; nowhere is
there so much killing as in the Old Testament; its chapters oscillate be-
* This, of course, was the man's ideal; if we may believe Isaiah (iii, 16-23), the real
women of Jerusalem were very much of this world, loving fine raiment and ornament,
and leading the men a merry chase. "The daughters of Zion arc haughty, and walk with
stretched forth necks and wanton eyes, . . . mincing as they go, and making a tinkling
with their feet," etc. Perhaps the historians have always deceived us about women?
CHAP. XII J JUDEA 335
tween slaughter and compensatory reproduction. Tribal quarrels, internal
factions and hereditary vendettas broke the monotony of intermittent
peace. 176 Despite a magnificent verse about ploughshares and pruning-
hooks, the Prophets were not pacifists, and the priests if we may judge
from the speeches which they put into the mouth of Yahveh were almost
as fond of war as of preaching. Among nineteen kings of Israel eight were
assassinated. 1 " Captured cities were usually destroyed, the males put to
the sword, and the soil deliberately ruined in the fashion of the times. 171
Perhaps the figures exaggerate the killing; it is unbelievable that, entirely
without modern inventions, "the children of Israel slew of the Syrians one
hundred thousand footmen in one day." 179 Belief in themselves as the
chosen people 180 intensified the pride natural in a nation conscious of
superior abilities; it accentuated their disposition to segregate thertiselves
maritally and mentally from other peoples, and deprived them of the in-
ternational perspective that their descendants were to attain. But they
had in high degree the virtues of their qualities. Their violence came of
unmanageable vitality, their separatism came of their piety, their quarrel-
someness and qucrulousness came of a passionate sensitivity that produced
the greatest literature of the Near East; their racial pride was the indis-
pensable prop of their courage through centuries of suffering. Men are
what they have had to be.
The Seventh Commandment recognized marriage as the basis of the
family, as the Fifth had recognized the family as the basis of society; and
it offered to marriage all the support of religion. It said nothing about sex
relations before marriage, but other regulations laid upon the bride the
obligation, under pain of death by stoning, to prove her virginity on the
day of her marriage. 181 Nevertheless prostitution was common and ped-
erasty apparently survived the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah. 181
As the Law did not seem to prohibit relations with foreign harlots, Syrian,
Moabite, Midianite and other "strange women" flourished along the high-
ways, where they lived in booths and tents, and combined the trades of
peddler and prostitute. Solomon, who had no violent prejudices in these
matters, relaxed the laws that had kept such women out of Jerusalem; in
time they multiplied so rapidly there that in the days of the Maccabees
the Temple itself was described by an indignant reformer as full of forni-
cation and harlotry. 183
Love affairs probably occurred, for there was much tenderness between
THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
the sexes; "Jacob served seven years for Rachel, and they seemed unto
him but a few days for the love he had to her." 184 But love played a very
small role in the choice of mates. Before the Exile marriage was com-
pletely secular, arranged by the parents, or by the suitor with the parents
of the bride. Vestiges of capture-marriage are found in the Old Testa-
ment; Yahveh approves of it in war; 186 and the elders, on the occasion of
a shortage of women, "commanded the children of Benjamin, saying, Go
and lie in wait in the vineyards; and see and behold if the daughters of
Shiloh come out to dance in dances; then come ye out of the vineyards,
and catch you every man his wife of the daughters of Shiloh, and go to
the land of Benjamin." 186 But this was exceptional; usually the marriage
was by purchase; Jacob purchased Leah and Rachel by his toil, the gentle
Ruth was quite simply bought by Boaz, and the prophet Hosea regretted
exceedingly that he had given fifty shekels for his wife. 187 The word for
wife, beulah, meant owned. 1 " 7 * The father of the bride reciprocated by
giving his daughter a dowry-an institution admirably adapted to diminish
the socially disruptive gap between the sexual and the economic matur-
ity of children in an urban civilization.
If the man was well-to-do, he might practise polygamy; if the wife
was barren, like Sarah, she might encourage her husband to take a con-
cubine. The purpose of these arrangements was prolific reproduction; it
was taken as a matter of course that after Rachel and Leah had given
Jacob all the children they were capable of bearing, they should offer
him their maids, who would also bear him children. 1 A woman was not
allowed to remain idle in this matter of reproduction; if a husband died,
his brother, however many wives he might already have, was obliged to
marry her; or, if the husband had no brother, the obligation fell upon
his nearest surviving male kin. 180 Since private property was the core of
Jewish economy, the double standard prevailed: the man might have
many wives, but the woman was confined to one man. Adultery meant
relations with a woman who had been bought and paid for by another
man; it was a violation of the law of property, and was punished with
death for both parties. 190 Fornication was forbidden to women, but was
looked upon as a venial offense in men. 1 " 1 Divorce was free to the man, but
extremely difficult for the woman, until Talmudic days. 1 " 3 The husband
does not seem to have abused his privileges unduly; he is pictured to us,
all in all, as zealously devoted to his wife and his children. And though
CHAP.XIl) JUDEA 337
love did not determine marriage, it often flowered out of it. "Isaac took
Rebecca, and she became his wife; and he loved her; and Isaac was com-
forted after" his mother's death." 194 Probably in no other people outside of
the Far East has family life reached so high a level as among the Jews.
The Eighth Commandment sanctified private property,* and bound it up
with religion and the family as one of the three bases of Hebrew society.
Property was almost entirely in land; until the days of Solomon there was
little industry beyond that of the potter and the smith. Even agriculture was
not completely developed; the bulk of the population devoted itself to rear-
ing sheep and cattle, and tending the vine, the olive and the fig. They lived
in tents rather than houses, in order to move more easily to fresh pastures.
In time their growing economic surplus generated trade, and the Jewish mer-
chants, by their tenacity and their skill, began to flourish in Damascus, Tyre
and Sidon, and in the precincts of the Temple itself. There was no coinage
till near the time of the Captivity, but gold and silver, weighed in each trans-
action, became a medium of exchange, and bankers appeared in great numbers
to finance commerce and enterprise. It was nothing strange that these
"money-lenders" should use the courts of the Temple; it was a custom gen-
eral in the Near East, and survives there in many places to this day. 1 * 9 Yahveh
beamed upon the growing power of the Hebrew financiers; "thou shalt lend
unto many nations," he said, "but thou shalt not borrow" 1 " 7 a generous phil-
osophy that has made great fortunes, though it has not seemed, in our cen-
tury, to be divinely inspired.
As in the other countries of the Near East, war captives and convicts were
used as slaves, and hundreds of thousands of them toiled in cutting timber
and transporting materials for such public works as Solomon's Temple and
palace. But the owner had no power of life and death over his slaves, and the
slave might acquire property and buy his liberty. 108 Men could be sold as
bondservants for unpaid debts, or could sell their children in their place; and
this continued to the days of Christ. 100 These typical institutions of the Near
East were mitigated in Judea by generous charity, and a vigorous campaign,
by priest and prophet, against exploitation. The Code laid it down hopefully
that "ye shall not oppress one another" j 200 it asked that Hebrew bondservants
should be released, and debts among Jews canceled, every seventh year; 5 " 1 and
when this was found too idealistic for the masters, the Law proclaimed the
institution of the Jubilee, by which, every fifty years, all slaves and debtors
should be freed. "And ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty
* Theoretically the land belonged to Yahveh. 1 " 6
338 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof: it shall be a Jubilee
unto you; and ye shall return every man unto his possession, and ye shall re-
turn every man unto his family." 101
We have no evidence that this fine edict was obeyed, but we must give
credit to the priests for leaving no lesson in charity untaught. "If there be
among you a poor man of one of thy brethren, . . . thou shalt open thine
hand wide unto him, and shalt surely lend him sufficient for his need"; and
"take thou no usury" (i.e., interest) "of him." 308 The Sabbath rest was to be
extended to every employee, even to animals; stray sheaves and fruits were to
be left in the fields and orchards for the poor to glean. 10 * And though these
charities were largely for fellow Jews, "the stranger in the gates" was also to
be treated with kindness; the sojourner was to be sheltered and fed, and dealt
with honorably. At all times the Jews were bidden to remember that they,
too, had once been homeless, even bondservants, in a foreign land.
The Ninth Commandment, by demanding absolute honesty of witnesses,
put the prop of religion under the whole structure of Jewish law. An oath
was to be a religious ceremony: not merely was a man, in swearing, to place
his hand on the genitals of him to whom he swore, as in the old custom;** he
was now to be taking God himself as his witness and his judge. False wit-
nesses, according to the Code, were to receive the same punishment that their
testimony had sought to bring upon their victims. 208 Religious law was the
sole law of Israel; the priests and the temples were the judges and the courts;
and those who refused to accept the decision of the priests were to be put to
death. 807 Ordeal by the drinking of poisonous water was prescribed in certain
cases of doubtful guilt. 3 " 8 There was no other than religious machinery for
enforcing the law; it had to be left to personal conscience, and public opinion.
Minor crimes might be atoned for by confession and compensation. 5 ** Capital
punishment was decreed, by Yahveh's instructions, for murder, kidnaping,
idolatry, adultery, striking or cursing a parent, stealing a slave, or "lying with
a beast," but not for the killing of a servant;" and "thou shalt not suffer a
witch to live." 211 Yahveh was quite satisfied to have the individual take the
law into his own hands in case of murder: "The revenger of blood, himself
shall slay the murderer; when he mecteth him, he shall slay him." 212 Certain
cities, however, were to be set apart, to which a criminal might flee, and in
which the avenger must stay his revenge. 213 In general the principle of punish-
ment was the lex talionis: "life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for
hand, foot for foot, burning for burning, stripe for stripe" 214 we trust that
this was a counsel of perfection, never quite realized. The Mosaic Code,
though written down at least fifteen hundred years later, shows no advance,
in criminal legislation, upon the Code of Hammurabi; in legal organization it
shows an archaic retrogression to primitive ecclesiastical control.
CHAP. XIl) JUDEA 339
The Tenth Commandment reveals how clearly woman was conceived
under the rubric of property. "Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house,
thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his manservant, nor his maid-
servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor anything that is thy neighbor's.""* Never-
theless, it was an admirable precept; could men follow it, half the fever and
anxiety of our life would be removed. Strange to say, the greatest of the
commandments is not listed among the Ten, though it is part of the "Law."
It occurs in Leviticus, xix, 18, lost amid "a repetition of sundry laws," and
reads very simply: "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself."
In general it was a lofty code, sharing its defects with its age, and
rising to virtues characteristically its own. We must remember that it
was only a law indeed, only a "priestly Utopia"* 8 rather than a descrip-
tion of Jewish life; like other codes, it was honored plentifully in the
breach, and won new praise with every violation. But its influence upon
the conduct of the people was at least as great as that of most legal
or moral codes. It gave to the Jews, through the two thousand years of
wandering which they were soon to begin, a "portable Fatherland," as
Heine was to call it, an intangible and spirtual state; it kept them united
despite every dispersion, proud despite every defeat, and brought them
across the centuries to our own time, a strong and apparently indestructi-
ble people.
VII. THE LITERATURE AND PHILOSOPHY OF THE BIBLE
History Fiction Poetry The Psalms The Song of Songs
Proverbs Job The idea of immortality The pessimism of
EcclesiastesThe advent of Alexander
The Old Testament is not only law; it is history, poetry and philos-
ophy of the highest order. After making every deduction for primitive
legend and pious fraud, after admitting that the historical books are not
quite as accurate or as ancient as our forefathers supposed, we find in
them, nevertheless, not merely some of the oldest historical writing known
to us, but some of the best. The books of Judges, Samuel and Kings may,
as some scholars believe, 217 have been put together hastily during or
shortly after the Exile to collect and preserve the national traditions of a
scattered and broken people; nevertheless the stories of Saul, David and
Solomon are immeasurably finer in structure and style than the other his-
torical writing of the ancient Near East. Even Genesis, if we read it with
some understanding of the function of legend, is (barring its genealogies)
340 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
an admirable story, told without frill or ornament, with simplicity, vivid-
ness and force. And in a sense we have here not mere history, but philos-
ophy of history; this is the first recorded effort of man to reduce the
multiplicity of past events to a measure of unity by seeking in them some
pervading purpose and significance, some law of sequence and causation,
some illumination for the present and the future. The conception of his-
tory promulgated by the Prophets and the priestly authors of the Penta-
teuch survived a thousand years of Greece and Rome to become the
world-view of European thinkers from Boethius to Bossuet.
Midway between the history and the poetry are the fascinating ro-
mances of the Bible. There is nothing more perfect in the realm of prose
than the story of Ruth; only less excellent are the tales of Isaac and Re-
becca, Jacob and Rachel, Joseph and Benjamin, Samson and Delilah,
Esther, Judith and Daniel. The poetical literature begins with the "Song
of Moses" (Exod. xv) and the "Song of Deborah" (Judges v), and
reaches finally to the heights of the Psalms. The "penitential" hymns of
the Babylonians had prepared for these, and perhaps had given them
material as well as form; Ikhnaton's ode to the sun seems to have contrib-
uted to Psalm CIV; and the majority of the Psalms, instead of being the
impressively united work of David, are probably the compositions of
several poets writing long after the Captivity, probably in the third cen-
tury before Christ. 218 But all this is as irrelevant as the name or sources of
Shakespeare; what matters is that the Psalms are at the head of the world's
lyric poetry. They were not meant to be read at a sitting, or in a Higher
Critic's mood; they are at their best as expressing moments of pious ecstasy
and stimulating faith. They are marred for us by bitter imprecations, tire-
some "groanings" and complaints, and endless adulation of a Yahveh who,
with all his "lovingkindncss," "longsuffering" and "compassion," pours
"smoke out of his nostrils, and fire out of his mouth" (VIII), promises
that "the wicked shall be turned into hell" (IX), laps up flattery,* and
threatens to "cut off all flattering lips" (XII). The Psalms are full of
military ardor, hardly Christian, but very Pilgrim. Some of them, how-
ever, are jewels of tenderness, or cameos of humility. "Verily every
man at his best state is altogether vanity. ... As for man, his days are
as grass; as a flower of the field, so he flourisheth. For the wind passeth
over it, and it is gone; and the place thereof shall know it no more"
*Psalm is a Greek word, meaning "song of praise."
CHAP. XIl) JUDEA 341
(XXIX, CIII) . In these songs we feel the antistrophic rhythm of ancient
Oriental poetry, and almost hear the voices of majestic choirs in alternate
answering. No poetry has ever excelled this in revealing metaphor or
living imagery; never has religious feeling been more intensely or vividly
expressed. These poems touch us more deeply than any lyric of love;
they move even the sceptical soul, for they give passionate form to the
final longing of the developed mind for some perfection to which it may
dedicate its striving. Here and there, in the King James' Version, are
pithy phrases that have become almost words in our language "out of
the mouths of babes" (VIII), "the apple of the eye" (XVII), "put not
your trust in princes" (CXLVI); and everywhere, in the original, are
similes that have never been surpassed: "The rising sun is as a bridegroom
coming out of his chamber, and rejoiceth as a strong man to run a race"
(XIX). We can only imagine what majesty and beauty must clothe these
songs in the sonorous language of their origin.*
When, beside these Psalms, we place in contrast the "Song of Solo-
mon," we get a glimpse of that sensual and terrestrial element in Jewish
life which the Old Testament, written almost entirely by prophets and
priests, has perhaps concealed from us just as Ecclcsiastcs reveals a scepti-
cism not otherwise discernible in the carefully selected and edited litera-
ture of the ancient Jews. This strangely amorous composition is an open
field for surmise: it may be a collection of songs of Babylonian origin,
celebrating the love of Ishtar and Tammux; it may be (since it contains
words borrowed from the Greek) the work of several Hebrew Anacreons
touched by the Hellenistic spirit that entered Judea with Alexander; or
(since the lovers address each other as brother and sister in the Egyptian
manner) it may be a flower of Alexandrian Jewry, plucked by some
quite emancipated soul from the banks of the Nile. In any case its pres-
ence in the Bible is a charming mystery: by what winking or hood-
winkingof the theologians did these songs of lusty passion find room
between Isaiah and the Preacher?
A bundle of myrrh is my well-beloved unto me; he shall lie all night
betwixt my breasts.
My beloved is unto me as a cluster of camphire in the vineyards of
Engedi.
*A selection of the best Psalms would probably include VIII, XXIII, LI, CIV,
CXXXVII and CXXXIX. The last is strangely like Whitman's pxan to evolution.**
34* THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XII
Behold, thou art fair, my love; behold, thou art fair; thou hast dove's
eyes.
Behold, thou art fair, my beloved, yea, pleasant; also our bed is
green. ... -|
I am the rose of Sharon, and the lily of the valleys. . . .
Stay me with flagons, comfort me with apples, for I am sick of
love. . . .
I charge you, O ye daughters of Jerusalem, by the roes, or by the
hinds of the field, that ye stir not up, nor awake my love, till he
please. . . .
My beloved is mine, and I am his; he feedeth among the lilies.
Until the day break, and the shadows flee away, turn, my beloved,
and be thou like a roe or a young hart upon the mountains of
Bether. . . .
Come, my beloved, let us go forth into the field, let us lodge in the
villages.
Let us get up early to the vineyards; let us see if the vine flourish,
whether the tender grape appear, and the pomegranates bud forth;
there will I give thee my loves."
This is the voice of youth, and that of the Proverbs is the voice of old
age. Men look to love and life for everything; they receive a little less
than that; they imagine that they have received nothing: these are the
three stages of the pessimist. So this legendary Solomon* warns youth
against the evil woman, "for she hath cast down many wounded; yea,
many strong men have been slain by her. . . . Whoso committeth adultery
with a woman lacketh understanding. . . . There be three things which
are wonderful to me; yea, four which I know not: the way of an eagle
in the air, the way of a serpent upon a rock, the way of a ship in the
midst of the sea, and the way of a man with a maid." 821 He agrees with
St. Paul that it is better to marry than to burn. "Rejoice with the wife
of thy youth. Let her be as the loving hind and the pleasant roe; let her
breasts satisfy thee at all times; and be thou ravished always with her
love. . . . Better is a dinner of herbs where love is, than a stalled ox with
hatred therewith."" Can these be the words of the husband of seven
hundred wives?
The Proverbs, of course, are not the work of Solomon, though several of them may
hive come from him; they owe something to Egyptian literature and Greek philosophy,
and were probably put together in the third or second century B.C. by some Hellenized
Alexandrian Jew.
CHAP. XIl) J U D E A 343
Next to unchastity, in the way from wisdom, is sloth: "Go to the ant,
thou sluggard. . . . How long wilt thou sleep, O sluggard?""* "Seest thou
a man diligent in his business? he shall stand before kings."* 4 Yet will
the Philosopher not brook crass ambition. "He that maketh haste to be
rich shall not be innocent"; and "the prosperity of fools shall destroy
them." 2 " 5 Work is wisdom, words are mere folly. "In all labor there
is profit, but the talk of the lips tendeth only to penury. ... A fool
uttereth all his mind, but a wise man keepeth it in till afterwards; . . .
even a fool, when he holdeth his peace, is counted wise."*" The lesson
which the Sage never tires of repeating is an almost Socratic identification
of virtue and wisdom, redolent of those schools of Alexandria in which
Hebrew theology was mating with Greek philosophy to form the intellect
of Europe. "Understanding is a well-spring of life unto him that hath
it; but the instruction of fools is folly. . . . Happy is the man that
findeth wisdom, and the man that getteth understanding; for the mer-
chandise of it is better than the merchandise of silver, and the gain thereof
than fine gold. She is more precious than rubies; and all things thou
canst desire are not to be compared with her. Length of days is in her
right hand; and in her left hand riches and honor. Her ways are ways
of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace." 137
Job is earlier than Proverbs; perhaps it was written during the Exile,
and described by allegory the captives of Babylon.* "I call it," says the
perfervid Carlyle, "one of the grandest things ever written with a pen.
... A noble book; all* men's book! It is our first, oldest statement of the
never-ending problem man's destiny, and God's ways with him here on
this earth. . . . There is nothing written, I think, in the Bible or out of
it, of equal literary merit." 380 ' The problem arose out of the Hebrew
emphasis on this world. Since there was no Heaven in ancient Jewish
theology, 231 virtue had to be rewarded here or never. But often it seemed
that only the wicked prospered, and that the choicest sufferings are re-
served for the good man. Why, as the Psalmist complained, did the "un-
godly prosper in the world? " asa Why did God hide himself, instead of
* Scholarship assigns it tentatively to the fifth century B.C.** Its text is corrupt beyond
even the custom of sacred scriptures everywhere. Jastrow accepts only chapters iii-xxxi,
considers the rest to be edifying emendations, and suspects many interpolations and mis-
translations in the accepted chapters. E.g., "Though he slay me, yet will I trust in him"
(xiii, 5) should be, "Yet I tremble not," or "Yet I have no hope." 2 * Kallcn and others have
found in the book the likeness of a Greek tragedy, written on the model of Euripides.*
Chapters iii-xli are cast in the typical antistrophic form of Hebrew poetry.
344 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
punishing the evil and rewarding the good?* 33 The author of Job now
asked the same questions more resolutely, and offered his hero, perhaps,
as a symbol for his people. All Israel had worshiped Yahveh (fitfully),
as Job had done; Babylon had ignored and blasphemed Yahveh; and yet
Babylon flourished, and Israel ate the dust and wore the sackcloth of
desolation and captivity. What could one say of such a god?
In a prologue in heaven, which some clever scribe may have inserted
to take the scandal out of the book, Satan suggests to Yahveh that Job
is "perfect and upright" only because he is fortunate; would he retain
his piety in adversity? Yahveh permits Satan to heap a variety of calami-
ties upon Job's head. For a time the hero is as patient as Job; but at last
his fortitude breaks, he ponders suicide, and bitterly reproaches his god
for forsaking him. Zophar, who has come out to enjoy the sufferings of
his friend, insists that God is just, and will yet reward the good man,
even on earth; but Job shuts him up sharply:
No doubt but ye are the people, and wisdom shall die with you.
But I have understanding as well as you; . . . yea, who knoweth not
these things? . . . The tabernacles of robbers prosper, and they that
provoke God are secure; into whose hand God bringeth abundantly.
.... Lo, mine eye hath seen all this, mine ear hath heard and
understood it. ... But ye are forgers of lies, ye are all physicians of
no value. Oh, that ye would altogether hold your peace! and it
should be your wisdom. 884
He reflects on the brevity of life, and the length of death:
Man that is born of woman is of few days, and full of trouble.
He cometh forth like a flower, and is cut down; he flceth also as
a shadow, and continued! not. . . . For there is hope of a tree,
if it be cut down, that it will sprout again, and that the tender
branch thereof will not cease. . . . But man dieth, and wasteth
away; yea, man giveth up the ghost, and where is he? As the
waters fall from the sea, and the flood decayeth and drieth up, so
man lieth down, and riseth not. ... If a man die, shall he live
again?* 35
The debate continues vigorously, and Job becomes more and more
sceptical of his God, until he calls him "Adversary," and wishes that this
Adversary would destroy himself by writing a book*** perhaps some
CHAP.XH) JUDEA 345
Leibnitzian theodicy. The concluding words of this chapter <c The words
of Job are ended" suggest that this was the original termination of a
discourse which, like that of Ecclesiates, represented a strong heretical
minority among the Jews.* But a fresh philosopher enters at this point
Elihu who demonstrates, in one hundred and sixty-five verses, the justice
of God's ways with men. Finally, in one of the most majestic passages
in the Bible, a voice comes down out of the clouds:
Then the Lord answered Job out of the whirlwind, and said:
Who is this that darkeneth counsel by words without knowledge?
Gird up now thy loins like a man; for I will demand of thee, and
answer thou me. Where wast thou when I laid the foundations of
the earth? declare, if thou hast understanding. Who hath laid the
measures thereof, if thou knowest? or who hath stretched his line
upon it? Whereupon are the foundations thereof fastened? or
who laid the cornerstone thereof; when the morning stars sang
together, and all the sons of God shouted for joy? Or who shut
up the sea with doors, when it brake forth, as if it had issued out
of the womb? When I made the cloud the garment thereof, and
thick darkness a swaddling band for it, and brake up for it my de-
creed place, and set bars and doors, and said, Hitherto shalt thou
come, but no further; and here shall thy proud waves be stayed?
Hast thou commanded the morning since thy days; and caused the
dayspring to know his place? . . . Hast thou entered into the
springs of the sea? or hast thou walked in the search of the depth?
Have the gates of death been opened unto thcc? or hast thou seen
the doors of the shadow of death? Hast thou perceived the breath
of the earth? declare if thou knowest it all. ... Hast thou entered
into the treasures of the snow? or hast thou seen the treasures of
the hail? . . . Canst thou bind the sweet influences of the Pleiades,
or loose the bands of Orion? . . . Knowest thou the ordinances of
heaven? canst thou set the dominion thereof in the earth? . . .
Who hath put wisdom in the inward parts, or who hath given
understanding to the heart? . . .
* "The sceptic," wrote that prolific sceptic, Rcnan, "writes little, and there are many
chances that his writings will be lost. The destiny of the Jewish people having been ex-
clusively religious, the secular part of its literature had to be sacrificed." 286 The repetition
of "The fool hath said in his heart, There is no God" in the Psalms (XIV, i; LIII, i),
indicates that such fools were sufficiently numerous to create some stir in Israel. There is
apparently a reference to this minority in Zephaniah, i, 12.
34$ THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
Shall he that contendeth with the Almighty instruct him? He that
reproveth God, let him answer it.* 7
Job humbles himself in terror before this apparition. Yahveh, appeased,
forgives him, accepts his sacrifice, denounces Job's friends for their feeble
arguments,* 8 and gives Job fourteen thousand sheep, six thousand camels,
a thousand yoke of oxen, a thousand she-asses, seven sons, three daughters,
and one hundred and forty years. It is a lame but happy ending; Job
receives everything but an answer to his questions. The problem re-
mained; and it was to have profound effects upon later Jewish thought. In
the days of Daniel (ca. 167 B.C.) it was to be abandoned as insoluble in terms
of this world; no answer could be given Daniel and Enoch (and Kant)
would say unless one believed in some other life, beyond the grave, in
, which all wrongs would be righted, the wicked would be punished, and
the just would inherit infinite reward. This was one of the varied currents
of thought that flowed into Christianity, and carried it to victory.
In Ecclesiastes* the problem is given a pessimistic reply; prosperity
and misfortune have nothing to do with virtue and vice.
All things have I seen in the days of my vanity: there is a just
man that perisheth in his righteousness, and there is a wicked man
that prolongcth his life in his wickedness. ... So I returned, and
considered all the oppressions that are done under the sun: and be-
held the tears of such as were oppressed, and they had no com-
forter; and on the side of their oppressors there was power. . . .
If thou seest the oppression of the poor, and violent perverting of
judgment and justice in a province, marvel not at the matter, . . .
for there be higher than they. 341
It is not virtue and vice that determine a man's lot, but blind and merciless
chance. "I saw under the sun that the race is not to the swift, nor the
battle to the strong, neither yet bread to the wise, nor yet riches to men
of understanding, nor yet favor to men of skill; but time and chance
happeneth to them all."* 41 Even wealth is insecure, and does not long
bring happiness. "He that loveth silver shall not be satisfied with silver;
nor he that loveth abundance, with increase: this is also vanity. . . . The
* The authorship and date of the book are quite unknown. Sarton attributes it to the
period between 250 and 168 B.C.** The author calls himself, by a confusing literary fiction,
both "Koheleth" and "the son of David, king in Jerusalem"-i.e., Solomon.* 40
CHAP. XIl) J U D E A 347
sleep of a laboring man is sweet, whether he eat little or much; but the
abundance of the rich will not suffer him to sleep." 84 * Remembering his
relatives, he formulates Malthus in a line: "When goods are increased,
they are increased that eat them."** Nor can he be soothed by any legend
of a Golden Past, or a Utopia to come: things have always been as they
are now, and so they will always be. "Say not thou, What is the cause
that the former days were better than these? for thou dost not inquire
wisely concerning this";** 5 one must choose his historians carefully. And
"the thing that hath been, it is that which shall be; and that which is done
is that which shall be done; and there is nothing new under the sun. Is
there anything whereof it may be said, See, this is new? It hath been
already of old time, which was before us." 8 * Progress, he thinks, is a
delusion; civilizations have been forgotten, and will be again. 9 * 7
In general he feels that life is a sorry business, and might well be dis-
pensed with; it is aimless and circuitous motion without permanent result,
and ends where it began; it is a futile struggle, in which nothing is certain
except defeat.
Vanity of vanities, saith the Preacher, vanity of vanities; all is
vanity. What profit hath a man of all his labor which he taketh
under the sun? One generation passeth away, and another generation
cometh; but the earth abideth forever. The sun also ariseth, and the
wind goeth toward the south, and turneth about unto the north; it
whirleth about continually, and the wind returneth again according
to his circuits. All the rivers run into the sea, yet the sea is not
full; unto the place from whence the rivers came, thither they re-
turn again. . . . Wherefore I praised the dead which are already
dead, more than the living which are yet alive. Yea, better is he,
than both they, which hath not yet been, who hath not seen the
evil work that is done under the sun. ... A good name is better
than precious ointment, and the day of death than the day of one's
birth. 848
For a time he seeks the answer to the riddle of life in abandonment to
pleasure. "Then I commended mirth, because a man hath no better
thing under the sun than to eat, and to drink, and to be merry." But
"behold, this also is vanity."" 9 The difficulty with pleasure is woman,
from whom the Preacher seems to have received some unforgettable sting.
"One man among a thousand have I found; but a woman among all those
348 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XII
have I not found. ... I find more bitter than death the woman whose
heart is snares and nets, and her hands as bands; whoso pleaseth God shall
escape her."* 1 He concludes his digression into this most obscure realm
of philosophy by reverting to the advice of Solomon and Voltaire, who
did not practise it: "Live joyfully with the wife whom thou lovest, all
the days of the life of thy vanity which God hath given thee under the
sun."* 8
Even wisdom is a questionable thing; he lauds it generously, but he
suspects that anything more than a little knowledge is a dangerous thing.
"Of making many books," he writes, with uncanny foresight, "there is
no end; and much study is a weariness of the flesh." 3 * 3 It might be wise
to seek wisdom if God had given it a better income; "wisdom is good,
with an inheritance"; otherwise it is a snare, and is apt to destroy its
lovers. 354 (Truth is like Yahveh, who said to Moses: "Thou canst not see
my face; for there shall no man see me and live." 3156 ) In the end the wise
man dies as thoroughly as the fool, and both come to the same odor.
And I gave my heart to seek and search out by wisdom con-
cerning all things that are done under heaven: this sore travail hath
God given to the sons of man to be exercised therewith. I have
seen all the works that are done under the sun; and behold, all is
vanity and a chasing after the wind. ... I communed with mine
own heart, saying, Lo, I am come to great estate, and have gotten
more wisdom than all they that have been before me in Jeru-
salem; yea, my heart had great experience of wisdom and knowl-
edge. And I gave my heart to know wisdom, and to know madness
and folly; I perceived that this also is a chasing after the wind. For
in much wisdom is much grief; and he that increased! knowledge
increased! sorrow. 986
All these darts of outrageous fortune might be borne with hope and
courage if the just man could look forward to some happiness beyond
the grave. But that, too, Ecclesiastes feels, is a myth; man is an animal,
and dies like any other beast.
For that which befalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts; even
one thing befalleth them; as the one dieth, so dieth the other; yea,
they have all one breath; so that a man hath no preeminence over a
beast; for all is vanity. All go unto one place: all are of the dust,
CHAP. XIl) J U D E A 349
and all turn to dust again. . . . Wherefore I perceive that there is
nothing better than that a man should rejoice in his own works;
for that is his portion; for who shall bring him to see what shall be
after him? . . . Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy
might; for there is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom
in the grave, whither thou goest.* 7
What a commentary on the wisdom so lauded in the Proverbs! Here,
evidently, civilization had for a time gone to seed. The vitality of Israel's
youth had been exhausted by her struggles against the empires that
surrounded her. The Yahveh in whom she had trusted had not come
to her aid; and in her desolation and dispersion she raised to the skies this
bitterest of all voices in literature to express the profoundest doubts that
ever come to the human soul.
Jerusalem had been restored, but not as the citadel of an unconquerable
god; it was a vassal city ruled now by Persia, now by Greece. In 334
B.C. the young Alexander stood at its gates, and demanded the surrender
of the capital. The high-priest at first refused; but the next morning,
having had a dream, he consented. He ordered the clergy to put on their
most impressive vestments, and the people to garb themselves in immac-
ulate white; then he led the population pacifically out through the gates
to solicit peace. Alexander bowed to the high-priest, expressed his ad-
miration for the people and their god, and accepted Jerusalem. 858
It was not the end of Judea. Only the first act had been played in this
strange drama that binds forty centuries. Christ would be the second,
Ahasuerus the third; today another act is played, but it is not the last.
Destroyed and rebuilt, destroyed and rebuilt, Jerusalem rises again, symbol
of the vitality and pertinacity of an heroic race. The Jews, who are as
old as history, may be as lasting as civilization.
CHAPTER XIII
Persia
I. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE MEDES
Their origins RulersThe blood treaty of Sardis Degeneration
WHO were the Medes that had played so vital a role in the destruc-
tion of Assyria? Their origin, of course, eludes us; history is a
book that one must begin in the middle. The first mention we have of them
is on a tablet recording the expedition of Shalmaneser III into a country
called Parsua, in the mountains of Kurdistan (837 B.C.); there, it seems,
twenty-seven chieftain-kings ruled over twenty-seven states thinly popu-
lated by a people called Amadai, Madai, Medes. As Indo-Europeans they
had probably come into western Asia about a thousand years before
Christ, from the shores of the Caspian Sea. The Zend-Avesta, sacred
scriptures of the Persians, idealized the racial memory of this ancient
home-land, and described it as a paradise: the scenes of our youth, like
the past, are always beautiful if we do not have to live in them again.
The Medes appear to have wandered through the region of Bokhara and
Samarkand, and to have migrated farther and farther south, at last reach-
ing Persia. 1 They found copper, iron, lead, gold and silver, marble and
precious stones, in the mountains in which they made their new home;*
and being a simple and vigorous people they developed a prosperous agri-
culture on the plains and the slopes of the hills.
At Ecbatana* i.e., "a meeting-place of many ways" in a picturesque
valley made fertile by the melting snows of the highlands, their first
king, Deioces, founded their first capital, adorning and dominating it with
a royal palace spread over an area two-thirds of a mile square. According
to an uncorroborated passage in Herodotus, Deioces achieved power by
acquiring a reputation for justice, and having achieved power, became
a despot. He issued regulations "that no man should be admitted to the
King's presence, but every one should consult him by means of messen-
gers; and moreover, that it should be accounted indecency for any one
* Probably the modern Hamadan.
350
CHAP.Xm) PERSIA 351
to laugh or spit before him. He established such ceremony about his
person for this reason, . . . that he might appear to be of a different
nature to them who did not see him." 1 Under his leadership the Medes,
strengthened by their natural and frugal life, and hardened by custom
and environment to the necessities of war, became a threat to the power
of Assyria which repeatedly invaded Media, thought it most instructively
defeated, and found it in fact never tired of fighting for its liberty. The
greatest of the Median kings, Cyaxares, settled the matter by destroying
Nineveh. Inspired by this victory, his army swept through western Asia
to the very gates of Sardis, only to be turned back by an eclipse of the
sun. The opposing leaders, frightened by this apparent warning from
/ the skies, signed a treaty of peace, and sealed it by drinking each other's
blood. 4 In the next year Cyaxares died, having in the course of one reign
expanded his kingdom from a subject province into an empire embracing
Assyria, Media and Persia. Within a generation after his death this
empire came to an end.
Its tenure was too brief to permit of any substantial contribution to
civilization, except in so far as it prepared for the culture of Persia. To
Persia the Medes gave their Aryan language, their alphabet of thirty-six
characters, their replacement of clay with parchment and pen as writing
materials, 8 their extensive use of the column in architecture, their moral
code of conscientious husbandry in time of peace and limitless bravery
in time of war, their Zoroastrian religion of Ahura-Mazda and Ahriman,
their patriarchal family and polygamous marriage, and a body of law
sufficiently like that of the later empire to be united with it in the famous
phrase of Daniel about "the law of the Medes and the Persians, which
altereth not." 6 Of their literature and their art not a stone or a letter
remains.
Their degeneration was even more rapid than their rise. Astyages,
} who succeeded his father Cyaxares, proved again that monarchy is a
I gamble, in whose royal succession great wits and madness are near allied.
He inherited the kingdom with equanimity, and settled down to enjoy
it. Under his example the nation forgot its stern morals and stoic ways;
wealth had come too suddenly to be wisely used. The upper classes
became the slaves of fashion and luxury, the men wore embroidered
trousers, the women covered themselves with cosmetics and jewelry,
the very horses were often caparisoned in gold. T These once simple and
pastoral people, who had been glad to be carried in rude wagons with
352 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XIII
wheels cut roughly out of the trunks of trees, 8 now rode in expensive
chariots from feast to feast. The early kings had prided themselves on
justice; but Astyages, being displeased with Harpagus, served up to him
the dismembered and headless body of his own son, and forced him to
eat of it." Harpagus ate, saying that whatever a king did was agreeable
to him; but he revenged himself by helping Cyrus to depose Astyages.
When Cyrus, the brilliant young ruler of the Median dependency of
Anshan, in Persia, rebelled against the effeminate despot of Ecbatana, the
Medes themselves welcomed Cyrus' victory, and accepted him, almost
without protest, as their king. By one engagement Media ceased to be the
master of Persia, Persia became the master of Media, and prepared to
become master of the whole Near Eastern world.
II. THE GREAT KINGS
The romantic Cyrus His enlightened policies Cambyses Darius
the GreatThe invasion of Greece
Cyrus was one of those natural rulers at whose coronation, as Emerson
said, all men rejoice. Royal in spirit and action, capable of wise adminis-
tration as well as of dramatic conquest, generous to the defeated and
loved by those who had been his enemies no wonder the Greeks made
him the subject of innumerable romances, and to their minds the
greatest hero before Alexander. It is a disappointment to us that we
cannot draw a reliable picture of him from either Herodotus or Xeno-
phon. The former has mingled many fables with his history, 10 while the
other has made the Cyroptfdia an essay on the military art, with incidental
lectures on education and philosophy; at times Xenophon confuses Cyrus
and Socrates. These delightful stories being put aside, the figure of Cyrus
becomes merely an attractive ghost. We can only say that he was hand-
somesince the Persians made him their model of physical beauty to the
end of their ancient art; 11 that he established the Achaemenid Dynasty of
"Great Kings," which ruled Persia through the most famous period of
its history; that he organized the soldiery of Media and Persia into an
invincible army, captured Sardis and Babylon, ended for a thousand
years the rule of the Semites in western Asia, and absorbed the former
realms of Assyria, Babylonia, Lydia and Asia Minor into the Persian
Empire, the largest political organization of pre-Roman antiquity, and
one of the best-governed in history.
CHAP, xm) PERSIA 353
So far as we can visualize him through the haze of legend, he was the
most amiable of conquerors, and founded his empire upon generosity.
His enemies knew that he was lenient, and they did not fight him with
that desperate courage which men show when their only choice is to
kill or die. We have seen how, according to Herodotus, he rescued
Croesus from the funeral pyre at Sardis, and made him one of his most
honored counselors; and we have seen how magnanimously he treated the
Jews. The first principle of his policy was that the various peoples of his
empire should be left free in their religious worship- and beliefs, for he
fully understood the first principle of statesmanship that religion is
stronger than the state. Instead of sacking cities and wrecking temples
he showed a courteous respect for the deities of the conquered, and con-
tributed to maintain their shrines; even the Babylonians, who had resisted
him so long, warmed towards him when they found him preserving their
sanctuaries and honoring their pantheon. Wherever he went in his un-
precedented career he offered pious sacrifice to the local divinities. Like
Napoleon he accepted indifferently all religions, and with much better
' grace humored all the gods.
Like Napoleon, too, he died of excessive ambition. Having won all
the Near East, he began a series of campaigns aimed to free Media and
Persia from the inroads of central Asia's nomadic barbarians. He seems to
have carried these excursions as far as the Jaxartes on the north and India
on the east. Suddenly, at the height of his curve, he was slain in battle with
the Massagetx, an obscure tribe that peopled the southern shores of the
Caspian Sea. Like Alexander he conquered an empire, but did not live
to organize it.
One great defect had sullied his character occasional and incalculable
cruelty. It was inherited, unmixed with Cyrus' generosity, by his half-
mad son. Cambyses began by putting to death his brother and rival,
Smerdis; then, lured by the accumulated wealth of Egypt, he set forth
to extend the Persian Empire to the Nile. He succeeded, but apparently
at the cost of his sanity. Memphis was captured easily, but an army of
fifty thousand Persians sent to annex the Oasis of Ammon perished in
the desert, and an expedition to Carthage failed because the Phoenician
crews of the Persian fleet refused to attack a Phoenician colony. Cambyses
lost his head, and abandoned the wise clemency and tolerance of his
father. He publicly scoffed at the Egyptian religion, and plunged his
dagger derisively into the bull revered by the Egyptians as the god Apis;
354 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XIII
he exhumed mummies and pried into royal tombs regardless of ancient
curses; he profaned the temples and ordered their idols to be burned.
He thought in this way to cure the Egyptians of superstition; but when
he was stricken with illness apparently epileptic convulsions the
Egyptians were certain that their gods had punished him, and that their
theology was now confirmed beyond dispute. As if again to illustrate
the inconveniences of monarchy, Cambyses, with a Napoleonic kick in
the stomach, killed his sister and wife Roxana, slew his son Prexaspes
with an arrow, buried twelve noble Persians alive, condemned Croesus
to death, repented, rejoiced to learn that the sentence had not been
carried out, and punished the officers who had delayed in executing it."
On his way back to Persia he learned that a usurper had seized the throne
and was being supported by widespread revolution. From that moment
he disappears from history; tradition has it that he killed himself. 1 *
The usurper had pretended to be Smerdis, miraculously preserved from
Cambyses' fratricidal jealousy; in reality he was a religious fanatic, a
devotee of the early Magian faith who was bent upon destroying
Zoroastrianism, the official religion of the Persian state. Another revolu-
tion soon deposed him, and the seven aristocrats who had organized it
raised one of their number, Darius, son of Hystaspes, to the throne.
In this bloody way began the reign of Persia's greatest king.
Succession to the throne, in Oriental monarchies, was marked not only
by palace revolutions in strife for the royal power, but by uprisings in
subject colonies that grasped the chance of chaos, or an inexperienced
ruler, to reclaim their liberty. The usurpation and assassination of
"Smerdis" gave to Persia's vassals an excellent opportunity: the governors
of Egypt and Lydia refused submission, and the provinces of Susiana,
Babylonia, Media, Assyria, Armenia, Sacia and others rose in simultaneous
revolt. Darius subdued them with a ruthless hand. Taking Babylon after
a long siege, he crucified three thousand of its leading citizens as an induce-
ment to obedience in the rest; and in a series of swift campaigns he
"pacified" one after another of the rebellious states. Then, perceiving
how easily the vast empire might in any crisis fall to pieces, he put off
the armor of war, became one of the wisest administrators in history, and
set himself to reestablish his realm in a way that became a model of
imperial organization till the fall of Rome. His rule gave western Asia
a generation of such order and prosperity as that quarrelsome region had
never known before.
CHAP, xm) PERSIA 355
He had hoped to govern in peace, but it is the fatality of empire to
breed repeated war. For the conquered must be periodically reconquered,
and the conquerors must keep the arts and habits of camp and battle-
field; and at any moment the kaleidoscope of change may throw up a
new empire to challenge the old. In such a situation wars must be invented
if they do not arise of their own accord; each generation must be inured
to the rigors of campaigns, and taught by practice the sweet decorum
of dying for one's country.
Perhaps it was in part for this reason that Darius led his armies into
southern Russia, across the Bosphorus and the Danube to the Volga, to
chastise the marauding Scythians; and again across Afghanistan and a
hundred mountain ranges into the valley of the Indus, adding thereby
extensive regions and millions of souls and rupees to his realm. More
substantial reasons must be sought for his expedition into Greece. Herod-
otus would have us believe that Darius entered upon this historic f aux pas
because one of his wives, Atossa, teased him into it in bed; 1 * but it is more
dignified to believe that the King recognized in the Greek city-states
and their colonies a potential empire, or an actual confederacy, dangerous
to the Persian mastery of western Asia. When Ionia revolted and received
aid from Sparta and Athens, Darius reconciled himself reluctantly to war.
All the world knows the story of his passage across the ^Egean, the defeat
of his army at Marathon, and his gloomy return to Persia. There, amid
far-flung preparations for another attempt upon Greece, he suddenly
grew weak, and died.
III. PERSIAN LIFE AND INDUSTRY
The empire The people The language The peasants The im-
perial highways Trade and finance
At its greatest extent, under Darius, the Persian Empire included twenty
provinces or "satrapies," embracing Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Phoenicia,
Lydia, Phrygia, Ionia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Armenia, Assyria, the Cau-
casus, Babylonia, Media, Persia, the modern Afghanistan and Baluchistan,
India west of the Indus, Sogdiana, Bactria, and the regions of the Massa-
getae and other central Asiatic tribes. Never before had history recorded
so extensive an area brought under one government.
Persia itself, which was to rule these forty million souls for two hun-
dred years, was not at that time the country now known to us as Persia^
THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XIII
and to its inhabitants as Iran; it was that smaller tract, immediately east of
the Persian Gulf, known to the ancient Persians as Pars, and to the modern
Persians as Pars or Farsistan. Composed almost entirely of mountains and
deserts, poor in rivers, subject to severe winters and hot, arid summers,*
it could support its two million inhabitants 17 only through such external
contributions as trade or conquest might bring. Its race of hardy moun-
taineers came, like the Medes, of Indo-European stock perhaps from South
Russia; and its language and early religion reveal its close kinship with those
Aryans who crossed Afghanistan to become the ruling caste of northern
India. Darius I, in an inscription at Naksh-i-Rustam, described himself as
"a Persian, the son of a Persian, an Aryan of Aryan descent." The Zoro-
astrians spoke of their primitive land as Airy ana-vaejo "the Aryan home."t
Strabo applied the name Ariana to what is now called by essentially the
same word Iran
The Persians were apparently the handsomest people of the ancient Near
East. The monuments picture them as erect and vigorous, made hardy by
their mountains and yet refined by their wealth, with a pleasing symmetry
of features, an almost Greek straightness of nose, and a certain nobility of
countenance and carriage. They adopted for the most part the Median
dress, and later the Median ornaments. They considered it indecent to re-
veal more than the face; clothing covered them from turban, fillet or cap
to sandals or leather shoes. Triple drawers, a white under-garment of linen,
a double tunic, with sleeves hiding the hands, and a girdle at the waist, kept
the population warm in winter and hot in summer. The king distinguished
himself with embroidered trousers of a crimson hue, and saffron-buttoned
shoes. The dress of the women differed from that of the men only in a
slit at the breast. The men wore long beards and hung their hair in curls,
or, later, covered it with wigs. 10 In the wealthier days of the empire men
as well as women made much use of cosmetics; creams were employed to
improve the complexion, and coloring matter was applied to the eyelids to
increase the apparent size and brilliance of the eyes. A special class of
"adorners," called kosmctai by the Greeks, arose as beauty experts to the
aristocracy. The Persians were connoisseurs in scents, and were believed by
the ancients to have invented cosmetic creams. The king never went to
war without a case of costly unguents to ensure his fragrance in victory or
defeat. 80
Many languages have been used in the long history of Persia. The speech
of the court and the nobility in the days of Darius I was Old Persian so
* At Susa, says Strabo, the summer heat was so intense that snakes and lizards could not
cross the streets quickly enough to escape being burned to death by the sun."
t Generally identified with the district of Arran on the river Araxes.
CHAP. XIIl) PERSIA 357
closely related to Sanskrit that evidently both were once dialects of an older
tongue, and were cousins to our own.* Old Persian developed on the one
hand into Zend the language of the Zend-Avesta and on the other hand into
Pahlavi, a Hindu tongue from which has come the Persian language of to-
day." When the Persians took to writing they adopted the Babylonian
cuneiform for their inscriptions, and the Aramaic alphabetic script for their
documents. 28 They simplified the unwieldly syllabary of the Babylonians
from three hundred characters to thirty-six signs which gradually became
letters instead of syllables, and constituted a cuneiform alphabet. 1 * Writing,
however, seemed to the Persians an effeminate amusement, for which they
could spare little time from love, war and the chase. They did not con-
descend to produce literature.
The common man was contentedly illiterate, and gave himself com-
pletely to the culture of the soil. The Zend-Avesta exalted agriculture as
the basic and noblest occupation of mankind, pleasing above all other
labors to Ahura-Mazda, the supreme god. Some of the land was tilled by
peasant proprietors, who occasionally joined several families in agricultural
cooperatives to work extensive areas together. 20 Part of the land was owned
by feudal barons, and cultivated by tenants in return for a share of the
crop; part of it was tilled by foreign (never Persian) slaves. Oxen pulled a
plough of wood armed with a metal point. Artificial irrigation drew water
from the mountains to the fields. Barley and wheat were the staple crops
and foods, but much meat was eaten and much wine drunk. Cyrus served
wine to his army, 20 and Persian councils never undertook serious discussions ,
of policy when sobert though they took care to revise their decisions the
next morning. One intoxicating drink, the haoma, was offered as a pleasant
sacrifice to the gods, and was believed to engender in its addicts not ex-
citement and anger, but righteousness and piety." 8
Industry was poorly developed in Persia; she was content to let the na-
tions of the Near East practice the handicrafts while she bought their
* Some examples of the correlation:
Old Persian
Sanskrit
Greek
Latin
German
English
pitar
nama
pitar
nama
pater
onoma
pater
nomen
Vater
Nahmc
father
name
napat (grandson)
bar
napat
bhri
anepsios
fcrein
nepos
ferre
Neffe
fuhren
nephew
bear
matar
matar
meter
mater
Mutter
mother
bratar
eta
bhratar
stha
phrater
istemi
frater
sto
Brudcr
stchcn
brother
stand *
t"Thcy carry on their most important deliberations," Strabo reports, "when drinking
wine; and they regard decisions then made as more lasting than those made when they
are sober.""
358 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XIH
products with their imperial tribute. She showed more originality in the
improvement of communications and transport. Engineers under the in-
structions of Darius I built great roads uniting the various capitals; one of
these highways, from Susa to Sardis, was fifteen hundred miles long. The
roads were accurately measured by parasangs (3.4 miles); and at every
fourth parasang, says Herodotus, "there are royal stations and excellent
inns, and the whole road is through an inhabited and safe country."" At
each station a fresh relay of horses stood ready to carry on the mail, so that,
though the ordinary traveler required ninety days to go from Susa to Sardis,
the royal mail moved over the distance as quickly as an automobile party does
now that is, in a little less than a week. The larger rivers were crossed by
ferries, but the engineers could, when they wished, throw across the
Euphrates, even across the Hellespont, substantial bridges over which hun-
dreds of sceptical elephants could pass in safety. Other roads led through
the Afghanistan passes to India, and made Susa a half-way house to the al-
ready fabulous riches of the East. These roads were built primarily for mili-
tary and governmental purposes, to facilitate central control and admin-
istration; but they served also to stimulate commerce and the exchange of
customs, ideas, and the indispensable superstitions of mankind. Along these
roads, for example, angels and the Devil passed from Persian into Jewish
and Christian mythology.
Navigation was not so vigorously advanced as land transportation; the
Persians had no fleet of their own, but merely engaged or conscripted the
vessels of the Phoenicians and the Greeks. Darius built a great canal uniting
Persia with the Mediterranean through the Red Sea and the Nile, but the
carelessness of his successors soon surrendered this achievement to the
shifting sands. When Xerxes royally commanded part of his naval forces to
circumnavigate Africa, it turned back in disgrace shortly after passing
through the Pillars of Hercules. 80 Commerce was for the most part aban-
doned to foreigners Babylonians, Phoenicians and Jews; the Persians despised
trade, and looked upon a market place as a breeding-ground of lies. The
wealthy classes took pride in supplying most of their wants directly from
their own fields and shops, not contaminating their fingers with either buy-
ing or selling. 81 Payments, loans and interest were at first in the form of
goods, especially cattle and grain; coinage came later from Lydia. Darius
issued gold and silver "darics" stamped with his features,* and valued at a
gold-to-silver ratio of 13.5 to i. This was the origin of the bimetallic ratio
in modern currencies. 88
* But having no relation with his name; dearie was from the Persian zariq "a piece of
gold." The gold daric had a face value of $5.00. Three thousand gold darics made one
Persian talent."
CHAP. XIIl) PERSIA 359
IV. AN EXPERIMENT IN GOVERNMENT
The kingThe nobles The armyLaw A savage punishment
The capitals The satrapies An achievement in administration
The life of Persia was political and military rather than economic; its
wealth was based not on industry but on power; it existed precariously
as a little governing isle in an immense and unnaturally subject sea. The
imperial organization that maintained this artefact was one of the most
unique and competent in history. At its head was the king, or Khshathra
i.e., warrior;* the title indicates the military origin and character of the
Persian monarchy. Since lesser kings were vassal to him, the Persian
ruler entitled himself "King of Kings," and the ancient world made no
protest against his claim; the Greeks called him simply BasileusThc
King." 4 His power was theoretically absolute; he could kill with a word,
without trial or reason given, after the manner of some very modern
dictator; and occasionally he delegated to his mother or his chief wife
this privilege of capricious slaughter." Few even of the greatest nobles
dared offer any criticism or rebuke, and public opinion was cautiously
impotent. The father whose innocent son had been shot before his eyes
by the king merely complimented the monarch on his excellent archery;
offenders bastinadoed by the royal order thanked His Majesty for keeping
them in mind. 86 The king might rule as well as reign, if, like Cyrus and
the first Darius, he cared to bestir himself; but the later monarchs dele-
gated most of the cares of government to noble subordinates or imperial
eunuchs, and spent their time at love, dice or the chase." The court was
overrun with eunuchs who, from their coigns of vantage as guards of the
harem and pedagogues to the princes, stewed a poisonous brew of intrigue
in every reign, t" The king had the right to choose his successor from
among his sons, but ordinarily the succession was determined by assassina-
tion and revolution.
The royal power was limited in practice by the strength of the aristoc-
racy that mediated between the people and the throne. It was a matter
of custom that the six families of the men who had shared with Darius I
* The word survives in the present tide of the Persian king Shah. Its stem appears also
in the Satraps or provincial officials of Persia, and in the Kshatriya or warrior caste of
India.
fFive hundred castrated boys came annually from Babylonia to act as "keepers of the
women" in the harems of Persia."
360 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION ( CHAP. XIII
the dangers of the revolt against false Smerdis, should have exceptional
privileges and be consulted in all matters of vital interest. Many of the
nobles attended court, and served as a council for whose advice the
monarch usually showed the highest regard. Most members of the aris-
tocracy were attached to the throne by receiving their estates from the
king; in return they provided him with men and materials when he took
the field. Within their fiefs they had almost complete authority levying
taxes, enacting laws, executing judgment, and maintaining their own
armed forces. 40
The real basis of the royal power and imperial government was the army;
an empire exists only so long as it retains its superior capacity to kill. The
obligation to enlist on any declaration of war fell upon every able-bodied
male from fifteen to fifty years of age. 41 When the father of three sons
petitioned Darius to exempt one of them from service, all three were put
to death; and when another father, having sent four sons to the battlefield,
begged Xerxes to permit the fifth son to stay behind and manage the
family estate, the body of this fifth son was cut in two by royal order and
placed on both sides of the road by which the army was to pass." The
troops marched off to war amid the blare of martial music and the plaudits
of citizens above the military age.
The spearhead of the army was the Royal Guard two thousand horse-
men and two thousand infantry, all nobles whose function it was to guard
the king. The standing army consisted exclusively of Persians and Alcdcs,
and from this permanent force came most of the garrisons stationed as centers
of persuasion at strategic points in the empire. The complete force consisted
of levies from every subject nation, each group with its own distinct lan-
guage, weapons and habits of war. Its equipment and retinue was as varied
as its origin: bows and arrows, scimitars, javelins, daggers, pikes, slings,
knives, shields, helmets, leather cuirasses, coats of mail, horses, elephants,
heralds, scribes, eunuchs, prostitutes, concubines, and chariots armed on
each hub with great steel scythes. The whole mass, though vast in number,
and amounting in the expedition of Xerxes to 1,800,000 men, never achieved
unity, and at the first sign of a reverse it became a disorderly mob. It con-
quered by mere force of numbers, by an elastic capacity for absorbing
casualties; it was destined to be overthrown as soon as it should encounter a
well-organized army speaking one speech and accepting one discipline. This
was the secret of Marathon and Plataea.
In such a state the only law was the will of the king and the power
of the army; no rights were sacred against these, and no precedents could
CHAP. XIIl) PERSIA 361
avail except an earlier decree of the king. For it was a proud boast of
Persia that its laws never changed, and that a royal promise or decree
was irrevocable. In his edicts and judgments the king was supposed to
be inspired by the god Ahura-Mazda himself; therefore the law of
the realm was the Divine Will, and any infraction of it was an offense
against the deity. The king was the supreme court, but it was his custom
to delegate this function to some learned elder in his retinue. Below him
was a High Court of Justice with seven members, and below this were
local courts scattered through the realm. The priests formulated the law,
and for a long time acted as judges; in later days laymen, even laywomen,
sat in judgment. Bail was accepted in all but the most important cases,
and a regular procedure of trial was followed. The court occasionally
decreed rewards as well as punishments, and in considering a crime
weighed against it the good record and services of the accused. The
law's delays were mitigated by fixing a time-limit for each case, and by
proposing to all disputants an arbitrator of their own choice who might
bring them to a peaceable settlement. As the law gathered precedents
and complexity a class of men arose called "speakers of the law," who
offered to explain it to litigants and help them conduct their cases. 43
Oaths were taken, and use was occasionally made of the ordeal." Bribery '
was discouraged by making the tender or acceptance of it a capital
offense. Cambyses improved the integrity of the courts by causing an
unjust judge to be flayed alive, and using his skin to upholster the judicial
benchto which he then appointed the dead judge's son."
Minor punishments took the form of flogging from five to two hun-
dred blows with a horsewhip; the poisoning of a shepherd dog received
two hundred strokes, manslaughter ninety. 40 The administration of the
law was partly financed by commuting stripes into fines, at the rate of
six rupees to a stripe. 47 More serious crimes were punished with branding,
maiming, mutilation, blinding, imprisonment or death. The letter of the
law forbade any one, even the king, to sentence a man to death for a
simple crime; but it could be decreed for treason, rape, sodomy, murder,
"self-pollution," burning or burying the dead, intrusion upon the king's
privacy, approaching one of his concubines, accidentally sitting upon his
throne, or for any displeasure to the ruling house." Death was procured
in such cases by poisoning, impaling, crucifixion, hanging (usually with
the head down), stoning, burying the body up to the head, crushing
the head between huge stones, smothering the victim in hot ashes, or by
362 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XIII
the incredibly cruel rite called "the boats."* Some of these barbarous
punishments were bequeathed to the invading Turks of a later age, and
passed down into the heritage of mankind."
With these laws and this army the king sought to govern his twenty
satrapies from his many capitals originally Pasargadae, occasionally Per-
sepolis, in summer Ecbatana, usually Susa; here, in the ancient capital of
Elam, the history of the ancient Near East came full circle, binding the
beginning and the end. Susa had the advantage of inaccessibility, and
the disadvantages of distance; Alexander had to come two thousand miles
to take it, but it had to send its troops fifteen hundred miles to suppress
revolts in Lydia or Egypt. Ultimately the great roads merely paved the
way for the physical conquest of western Asia by Greece and Rome,
and the theological conquest of Greece and Rome by western Asia.
The empire was divided into provinces or satrapies for convenience
of administration and taxation. Each province was governed in the name
of the King of Kings, sometimes by a vassal prince, ordinarily by a
"satrap" (ruler) royally appointed for as long a time as he could retain
favor at the court. To keep the satraps in hand Darius sent to each
province a general to control its armed forces independently of the gov-
ernor; and to make matters trebly sure he appointed in each province a
secretary, independent of both satrap and general, to report their behavior
to the king. As a further precaution an intelligence service known as
"The King's Eyes and Ears" might appear at any moment to examine the
affairs, records and finances of the province. Sometimes the satrap was
* Because the soldier Mithridates, in his cups, blurted out the fact that it was he, and
not the king, who should have received credit for slaying Cyrus the Younger at the
battle of Cunaxa, Artaxcrxcs II, says Plutarch, "decreed that Mithridates should be put to
death in boats; which execution is after the following manner: Taking two boats framed
exactly to fit and answer each other, they lay down in one of them the malefactor that
suffers, upon his back; then, covering it with the other, and so setting them together that
the head, hands and feet of him are left outside, and the rest of his body lies shut up
within, they offer him food, and if he refuse to eat it, they force him to do it by prick-
ing his eyes; then, after he has eaten, they drench him with a mixture of milk and honey,
pouring it not only into his mouth but all over his face. They then keep his face con-
tinually turned toward the sun; and it becomes completely covered up and hidden by the
multitude of flies that settle upon it. And as within the boats he does what those that eat
and drink must do, creeping things and vermin spring out of the corruption of the ex-
crement, and these entering into the bowels of him, his body is consumed. When the man
is manifestly dead, the uppermost boat being taken off, they find his flesh devoured, and
swarms of such noisome creatures preying upon and, as it were, growing to his inwards.
In this way Mithridates, after suffering for seventeen days, at last expired." 80
CHAP. XIIl) PERSIA 363
deposed without trial, sometimes he was quietly poisoned by his servants
at the order of the king. Underneath the satrap and the secretary was a
horde of clerks who carried on so much of the government as had no
direct need of force; this body of clerks carried over from one administra-
tion to another, even from reign to reign. The king dies, but the bureau-
cracy is immortal.
The salaries of these provincial officials were paid not by the king but
by the people whom they ruled. The remuneration was ample enough
to provide the satraps with palaces, harems, and extensive hunting parks
to which the Persians gave the historic name of paradise. In addition, each
satrapy was required to send the king, annually, a fixed amount of money
and goods by way of taxation: India sent 4680 talents, Assyria and Baby-
lonia 1000, Egypt 700, the four satrapies of Asia Minor 1760, etc., making
a total of some 14,560 talentsvariously estimated as equivalent to from
$160,000,000 to $218,000,000 a year. Furthermore, each province was
expected to contribute to the king's needs in goods and supplies: Egypt
had to furnish corn annually for 120,000 men; the Medes provided
100,000 sheep, the Armenians 30,000 foals, the Babylonians five hundred
young eunuchs. Other sources of wealth swelled the central revenue to
such a point that when Alexander captured the Persian capitals after one
hundred and fifty years of Persian extravagance, after a hundred expensive
revolts and wars, and after Darius III had carried off 8000 talents with
him in his flight, he found 180,000 talents left in the royal treasuries-
some $2,700,000,000."
Despite these high charges for its services, the Persian Empire was the
most successful experiment in imperial government that the Mediter-
ranean world would know before the coming of Rome which was des-
tined to inherit much of the earlier empire's political structure and ad-
ministrative forms. The cruelty and dissipation of the later monarchs,
the occasional barbarism of the laws, and the heavy burdens of taxation
were balanced, as human governments go, by such order and peace as
made the provinces rich despite these levies, and by such liberty as only
the most enlightened empires have accorded to subject states. Each
region retained its own language, laws, customs, morals, religion and coin-
age, and sometimes its native dynasty of kings. Many of the tributary
nations, like Babylonia, Phoenicia and Palestine, were well satisfied with
the situation, and suspected that their own generals and tax-gatherer
would have plucked them even more ferociously. Under Darii
364 THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION (CHAP. XIII
Persian Empire was an achievement in political organization; only Trajan,
Hadrian and the Antonines would equal it.
V. ZARATHUSTRA
The coming of the Prophet Persian religion before Zarathustra
The Bible of Persia Ahura-Mazda The good and the evil
spirits Their struggle for the possession of the 'world
Persian legend tells how, many hundreds of years before the birth of
Christ, a great prophet appeared in Airyana-vaejo, the ancient "home
of the Aryans." His people called him Zarathustra; but the Greeks, who
could never bear the orthography of the "barbarians" patiently, called
him Zoroastres. His conception was divine: his guardian angel entered
into an haoma plant, and passed with its juice into the body of a priest
as the latter offered divine sacrifice; at the same time a ray of heaven's
glory entered the bosom of a maid of noble lineage. The priest espoused
the maid, the imprisoned angel mingled with the imprisoned ray, and
Zarathustra began to be. M He laughed aloud on the very day of his birth,
and the evil spirits that gather around every life fled from him in tumult
and terror." Out of his great love for wisdom and righteousness he with-
drew from the society of men, and chose to live in a mountain wilderness
on cheese and the fruits of the soil. The Devil tempted him, but to no
avail. His breast was pierced with a sword, and his entrails were filled
with molten lead; he did not complain, but clung to his faith in Ahura-
Mazda the Lord of Light as supreme god. Ahura-Mazda appeared to
him and gave into his hands the Avesta, or Book of Knowledge and Wis-
dom, and bade him preach it to mankind. For a long time all the world
ridiculed and persecuted him; but at last a high prince of Iran Vishtaspa
or Hystaspcs heard him gladly, and promised to spread the new faith
among his people. Thus was the Zoroastrian religion born. Zarathustra
himself lived to a very old age, was consumed in a flash of lightning, and
ascended into heaven."
We cannot tell how much of his story is true; perhaps some Josiah
discovered him. The Greeks accepted him as historical, and honored
him with an antiquity of 5500 years before their time; M Berosus the
Babylonian brought him down to 2000 B.C.; 07 modern historians, when
they believe in his existence, assign him to any century between the tenth
CHAP. XIIl) PERSIA 365
and the sixth before Christ.* 58 When he appeared, among the ancestors
of the Medes and the Persians, he found his people worshiping animals,
ancestors, 90 the earth and the sun, in a religion having many elements and
deities in common with the Hindus of the Vedic age. The chief divinities
of this pre-Zoroastrian faith were Mithra, god of the sun, Anaita, goddess
of fertility and the earth, and Haoma the bull-god who, dying, rose
again, and gave mankind his blood as a drink that would confer immor-
tality; him the early Iranians worshiped by drinking the intoxicating juice
of the haama herb found on their mountain slopes.* Zarathustra was
shocked at these primitive deities and this Dionysian ritual; he rebelled against
the "Magi" or priests who prayed and sacrificed to them; and with all the
bravery of his contemporaries Amos and Isaiah he announced to the world
one God here Ahura-Mazda, the Lord of Light and Heaven, of whom
all other gods were but manifestations and qualities. Perhaps Darius I,
who accepted the new doctrine, saw in it a faith that would both inspire
his people and strengthen his government. From the moment of his
accession he declared war upon the old cults and the Magian priesthood,
and made Zoroastrianism the religion of the state.
The Bible of the new faith was the collection of books in which the dis-
ciples of the Master had gathered his sayings and his prayers. Later follow-
ers called these books Avesta; by the error of a modern scholar they are
known to the Occidental world as the Zend-Avesta.^ The contemporary
non-Persian reader is terrified to find that the substantial volumes that sur-
vive, though much shorter than our Bible, are but a small fraction of the
revelation vouchsafed to Zarathustra by his god4 What remains is, to the
* If the Vishtaspa who promulgated him was the father of Darius I, the last of these
dates seems the most probable.
t Anquetil-Duperron (ca. 1771 A.D.) intr 